Despite constant pressure from China to erode Taiwan’s international standing, the US has always seen the value of furthering its ties with Taiwan, a small but vibrant democracy in Asia.
In 1946, the US and Republic of China signed the Taiwan Treaty of Friendship, Commerce and Navigation to formalize cooperation between the two. And in more recent years, relations between the two have deepened substantially. In October 2012, Taiwan was included in the US’ visa waiver program, which allows Taiwanese passport holders to remain in the US for up to 90 days without a visa.
To date, only 38 countries enjoy this privilege, most of which are developed nations and longtime partners of the US. Then, last year, the White House decided to support Taiwan’s joining of the International Civil Aviation Organization, and the decision was backed by the US Congress.
On the economic front, according to the Office of the US Trade Representative, Taiwan is currently the US’ 12th-largest trading partner. Last year, two-way trade between them was valued at about US$64 billion in total.
These are reliable indicators that the US-Taiwan relationship is warming, right?
However, on Aug. 8, the US District Court for the Eastern District of Pennsylvania quietly handed down a judgement that rode roughshod over the US government’s policy on Taiwan and any goodwill from the friendship-building activities above.
In a judgement seemingly worded to provoke, the district court refused to recognize an arbitral decision made by a Taiwanese arbitration association because Taiwan did not sign an international convention on recognition of arbitral awards.
This rationale runs directly counter to the US Supreme Court’s call to end “the longstanding judicial hostility to arbitration agreements.”
Furthermore, the convention cited by the district court, the Convention on the Recognition and Enforcement of Foreign Arbitral Awards, was conceived to promote arbitration around the world; its spirit is inclusive, not exclusive.
And whatever happened to the Treaty of Friendship, Commerce and Navigation? It, according to several US federal district court precedents, should be a valid basis for the US to recognize Taiwanese arbitral awards.
There are altogether 50 territories, including Taiwan, that have not yet signed the Convention on the Recognition and Enforcement of Foreign Arbitral Awards. If US courts refuse to recognize arbitral awards from those countries, the consequences might be that US arbitral awards would be denied in kind. This kind of tit-for-tat would put international commerce on a slippery slope.
Foreign companies, especially those from nations that have not signed the convention, might be chilled by the US’ attitude toward arbitration. Likewise, US companies, concerned about their rights in an international commercial dispute, would be wary of doing business abroad.
What the federal district court has done in one single stroke is marginalize one of the most dynamic democracies in Asia. Taiwan could not sign the convention because it was not a member of the UN.
To this day, Taiwan is still not a UN member, and that is because of China’s intervention, not because it has chosen to remain aloof. Furthermore, Taiwan, as a responsible member of the international community, understands arbitration is a more expeditious alternative to litigation, and has revised its Arbitration Act to include the same criteria for recognizing foreign arbitral awards as in the convention at issue.
Its embrace of international comity should be applauded, not disparaged. To imply that an arbitration award from Taiwan cannot be enforced in the US owing to non-UN membership is equivalent to shutting Taiwan out of the international community. The court’s practice of exclusion is damaging to the reputation of Taiwanese arbitration, detrimental to US-Taiwan relations and, above all, unfair.
Thanks to the judgement, arbitration in Taiwan is now a joke worldwide. Parties that previously found the professionalism and efficiency of Taiwanese arbitration appealing would likely take their dispute elsewhere now.
The court’s diminishment of Taiwan has already stirred strong reaction in the nation. Many indignant Taiwanese have taken to the blogosphere to vent their feelings. There are also voices in the US online community questioning the soundness of the court’s judgement.
Taiwan is a staunch ally of the US in the Pacific, but the recent federal district court judgement has served a smart slap in the face of Taiwan and is trying its loyalty.
Chien-Fei Li is a recent Harvard Law graduate and Soochow University School of Law adjunct lecturer. Wei-Jen Chen is a recent Harvard Law graduate and an SJD student at the National Taiwan University School of Law.
The return of US president-elect Donald Trump to the White House has injected a new wave of anxiety across the Taiwan Strait. For Taiwan, an island whose very survival depends on the delicate and strategic support from the US, Trump’s election victory raises a cascade of questions and fears about what lies ahead. His approach to international relations — grounded in transactional and unpredictable policies — poses unique risks to Taiwan’s stability, economic prosperity and geopolitical standing. Trump’s first term left a complicated legacy in the region. On the one hand, his administration ramped up arms sales to Taiwan and sanctioned
The Taiwanese have proven to be resilient in the face of disasters and they have resisted continuing attempts to subordinate Taiwan to the People’s Republic of China (PRC). Nonetheless, the Taiwanese can and should do more to become even more resilient and to be better prepared for resistance should the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) try to annex Taiwan. President William Lai (賴清德) argues that the Taiwanese should determine their own fate. This position continues the Democratic Progressive Party’s (DPP) tradition of opposing the CCP’s annexation of Taiwan. Lai challenges the CCP’s narrative by stating that Taiwan is not subordinate to the
World leaders are preparing themselves for a second Donald Trump presidency. Some leaders know more or less where he stands: Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskiy knows that a difficult negotiation process is about to be forced on his country, and the leaders of NATO countries would be well aware of being complacent about US military support with Trump in power. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu would likely be feeling relief as the constraints placed on him by the US President Joe Biden administration would finally be released. However, for President William Lai (賴清德) the calculation is not simple. Trump has surrounded himself
US president-elect Donald Trump is to return to the White House in January, but his second term would surely be different from the first. His Cabinet would not include former US secretary of state Mike Pompeo and former US national security adviser John Bolton, both outspoken supporters of Taiwan. Trump is expected to implement a transactionalist approach to Taiwan, including measures such as demanding that Taiwan pay a high “protection fee” or requiring that Taiwan’s military spending amount to at least 10 percent of its GDP. However, if the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) invades Taiwan, it is doubtful that Trump would dispatch