President Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九) met with his trusted advisers and colleagues at a high-level meeting to discuss how to deal with the former Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) chairman Lin I-hsiung (林義雄), currently on hunger strike to protest at the continued construction of the Fourth Nuclear Power Plant in New Taipei City’s Gongliao District (貢寮).
In the meeting, they apparently decided that Lin’s actions were born of his own obstinacy and that the government need not respond.
It should press on with the construction of the plant and after the scheduled safety checks are carried out in June, put the fate of the plant to a referendum, in line with current legislation.
If the move to halt construction fails to reach the required threshold, the situation will have been resolved.
The pro-Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) media and political pundits are playing along with this, saying that Lin should not be holding government policy or the rule of law hostage in this way, in the hope that they can alleviate some of the political pressure Lin’s hunger strike is placing on the government.
Ma perhaps thinks that Lin’s friends, family and supporters will be unwilling to see him perish and will not stop the government from force-feeding him if the situation becomes desperate.
This would allow the government to dissipate the present political crisis on the pretext of humanitarian intervention. In doing so it is underestimating Lin’s resolve and this is the greatest insult of all.
When former Indian independence leader Mahatma Gandhi protested against British colonial rule by staging a hunger strike, the British authorities did not dare force-feed him. Instead, they brought the situation to a resolution by introducing reforms to satisfy Gandhi’s demands.
Prior to the advent of Indian independence, political tensions and violent clashes between Hindus and Muslims made it impossible for the two to exist side-by-side.
Again, Gandhi went on hunger strike, calling on the two sides to cease the violence. Both sides were certain of Gandhi’s resolve to follow the strike through to its final conclusion and reluctant to cause the death of a person they regarded as a sage and a saint, brought a quick end to the fighting. Nobody would have dared force-feed Gandhi, as it would have offended his personal dignity.
In 2002 I made a visit to Northern Ireland, where I saw many walls daubed with pictures of people who had starved themselves to death because of their political convictions.
Everywhere there were telephone poles decorated with fliers marking the 10th anniversary of their deaths. Seven jailed members of the Irish Republican Army died on hunger strikes while in jail. Their unshakeable determination to encourage Northern Ireland to strive for autonomy shocked the world.
In 1989, the fact that Taiwanese publisher and pro-democracy activist Deng Nan-jung (鄭南榕) was prepared to self-immolate to protest his imminent arrest by the KMT authorities galvanized the Taiwanese public into pushing for the right of freedom of expression.
Of the members of the DPP’s former New Tide faction, former National Security Council secretary-general Chiou I-jen (邱義仁) and I were probably the closest to Deng. We were told to go and talk to him, to exhort him to continue living and keep fighting the KMT.
Deng suggested that I read the history of the South Korean student movements that he had published, saying it would help me understand why he was so determined to set himself on fire as a form of protest.
It was the self-immolation of a young South Korean worker that had awoken the students in the first place, and that had been the reason student movements in that country would later become such a powerful social force and the predominant driver behind the democratization of politics.
After I had come to understand what he was doing, I stopped trying to get him to abandon his plan. His mind was made up, and nobody was going to get him to change it.
The lack of wisdom or empathy demonstrated by Ma and Premier Jiang Yi-huah (江宜樺) has brought us to the brink of a political catastrophe. On Feb 28, 1980, Lin’s mother and twin daughters were murdered, victims of the fight for Taiwan’s democracy. If Lin now dies as a result of this hunger strike, three generations of the family would have been sacrificed for the cause and the foreign KMT regime will have shown that it has not changed.
The best way to resolve the controversy over the Fourth Nuclear Power Plant is for the government to announce that it will order a temporary halt to the construction, to alleviate the public’s worries and concerns.
Then, it should put the special statute calling for a referendum on the plant proposed by the DPP through a second and third reading in the legislature, and speed up its passage, to improve upon the current incarnation of the “birdcage” Referendum Act (公投法).
When that is done, it can hold a referendum on the plant to coincide with the year-end seven-in-one legislative elections, so that the public can decide whether the plant should be completed or scrapped altogether.
This would be how the fate of a contentious public construction project is decided in a normal democratic country, according to agreed democratic procedure.
Ma’s own brand of despotic bumbling will get us nowhere but into political crisis and confusion.
Chien Hsi-chieh is executive director of the Peacetime Foundation of Taiwan.
Translated by Paul Cooper
Former US president Jimmy Carter’s legacy regarding Taiwan is a complex tapestry woven with decisions that, while controversial, were instrumental in shaping the nation’s path and its enduring relationship with the US. As the world reflects on Carter’s life and his recent passing at the age of 100, his presidency marked a transformative era in Taiwan-US-China relations, particularly through the landmark decision in 1978 to formally recognize the People’s Republic of China (PRC) as the sole legal government of China, effectively derecognizing the Republic of China (ROC) based in Taiwan. That decision continues to influence geopolitical dynamics and Taiwan’s unique
Having enjoyed contributing regular essays to the Liberty Times and Taipei Times now for several years, I feel it is time to pull back. As some of my readers know, I have enjoyed a decades-long relationship with Taiwan. My most recent visit was just a few months ago, when I was invited to deliver a keynote speech at a major conference in Taipei. Unfortunately, my trip intersected with Double Ten celebrations, so I missed the opportunity to call on friends in government, as well as colleagues in the new AIT building, that replaced the old Xin-yi Road complex. I have
On New Year’s Day, it is customary to reflect on what the coming year might bring and how the past has brought about the current juncture. Just as Taiwan is preparing itself for what US president-elect Donald Trump’s second term would mean for its economy, national security and the cross-strait “status quo” this year, the passing of former US president Jimmy Carter on Monday at the age of 100 brought back painful memories of his 1978 decision to stop recognizing the Republic of China as the seat of China in favor of the People’s Republic of China. It is an
After forcing through a slew of controversial amendments, the opposition Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) and Taiwan People’s Party (TPP) on Tuesday last week rejected all seven Constiutional Court candidates nominated by President William Lai (賴清德), an event that triggered public concerns that it could lead to an unprecedented constitutional crisis and jeopardize Taiwan’s democracy. The opposition parties on Dec. 20 forced through three controversial amendments to the Public Officials Election and Recall Act (公職人員選舉罷免法), the Act Governing the Allocation of Government Revenues and Expenditures (財政收支劃分法) and the Constitutional Court Procedure Act (憲法訴訟法). The amendment to tighten the recall process has been