While it was encouraging to see that on Jan. 9 the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) unveiled its long-awaited China policy, it was disappointing to learn that former presidential candidate Frank Hsieh (謝長廷) has expressed strong reservations and is still pushing his own policy line.
The DPP’s China policy was the fruit of a lengthy consultation process, in which the party’s China Affairs Commission convened nine meetings at which about 630 participants — party officials, civic groups, academics and experts — presented their views and insights.
As expected, the party left its 1999 Party Resolution on Taiwan’s Future unchanged. This states that Taiwan is already an independent country, and that any change in the country’s “status quo” can only be made by the people of Taiwan by means of a plebiscite.
The document states that cross-strait interaction is to be welcomed, but emphasizes that it needs to be done in a transparent fashion, that it must not undermine Taiwan’s sovereignty and security and that it needs to encompass promotion of freedom, democracy and human rights.
The policy document also outlines a strategy for improving Taiwan’s economic and industrial development, building on the country’s technological strengths. It decries the erosion of the economy and imbalances introduced by the Chinese Nationalist Party’s (KMT) overreliance on economic ties with China, and argues for a more balanced development of external trade relations through membership of the Trans-Pacific Partnership.
The document also highlights that Taiwan’s free and open society is being threatened by what it refers to as the “China Factor”: Through its economic power, China has begun to “permeate Taiwanese society and gradually reshaped the free and open way of life that the people of Taiwan have enjoyed, subtly but tangibly restricting the range of political choice for Taiwanese voters.”
Last but not least, the document outlines a more balanced national security strategy, which enhances the nation’s international status and bolsters its national defense capabilities through “values diplomacy” (combining the universal values of freedom, democracy and human rights with Taiwan’s accumulated experiences in good governance) and the buildup of asymmetric capabilities in its defense against China’s military aggression.
Former US National Security Council director Michael Green said that it is a comprehensive and reasonable approach that reflects that a lot of thinking has gone into it. He added that it represents a careful calibration that reflects sensitivity to US interests and concerns.
The reactions from the KMT and China were predictable. Newspapers associated with the KMT, still clinging to the anachronistic “Republic of China” concept dating back to former president Chiang Kai-shek’s (蔣介石) heyday in China, criticized the report as “inflexible.”
Beijing also had the usual knee-jerk reaction: The State Council Taiwan Affairs Office accused the DPP of having a “rigid mindset.” Of course Beijing will only be satisfied if the DPP discards Taiwan’s hard-won freedom and democracy.
However, the most silly reaction came from within the DPP itself: Hsieh said that the report had been a failure and that if the DPP wants to win the 2016 presidential election, it must make changes in its China policy.
If Hsieh has the DPP’s interests in mind, he needs to be a better team player. He also needs to realize that Taiwan cannot retain its freedom and democracy if it sells its principles and values down the river.
Mei-chin Chen is a commentator based in Washington.
Concerns that the US might abandon Taiwan are often overstated. While US President Donald Trump’s handling of Ukraine raised unease in Taiwan, it is crucial to recognize that Taiwan is not Ukraine. Under Trump, the US views Ukraine largely as a European problem, whereas the Indo-Pacific region remains its primary geopolitical focus. Taipei holds immense strategic value for Washington and is unlikely to be treated as a bargaining chip in US-China relations. Trump’s vision of “making America great again” would be directly undermined by any move to abandon Taiwan. Despite the rhetoric of “America First,” the Trump administration understands the necessity of
US President Donald Trump’s challenge to domestic American economic-political priorities, and abroad to the global balance of power, are not a threat to the security of Taiwan. Trump’s success can go far to contain the real threat — the Chinese Communist Party’s (CCP) surge to hegemony — while offering expanded defensive opportunities for Taiwan. In a stunning affirmation of the CCP policy of “forceful reunification,” an obscene euphemism for the invasion of Taiwan and the destruction of its democracy, on March 13, 2024, the People’s Liberation Army’s (PLA) used Chinese social media platforms to show the first-time linkage of three new
If you had a vision of the future where China did not dominate the global car industry, you can kiss those dreams goodbye. That is because US President Donald Trump’s promised 25 percent tariff on auto imports takes an ax to the only bits of the emerging electric vehicle (EV) supply chain that are not already dominated by Beijing. The biggest losers when the levies take effect this week would be Japan and South Korea. They account for one-third of the cars imported into the US, and as much as two-thirds of those imported from outside North America. (Mexico and Canada, while
I have heard people equate the government’s stance on resisting forced unification with China or the conditional reinstatement of the military court system with the rise of the Nazis before World War II. The comparison is absurd. There is no meaningful parallel between the government and Nazi Germany, nor does such a mindset exist within the general public in Taiwan. It is important to remember that the German public bore some responsibility for the horrors of the Holocaust. Post-World War II Germany’s transitional justice efforts were rooted in a national reckoning and introspection. Many Jews were sent to concentration camps not
RSS