A shadow has been cast over Taiwan of late. In “one country, two areas (一國兩區),” President Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九) has proposed a formula for our relationship with China tantamount to our relinquishing our national sovereignty. In insisting on easing a ban on importing meat containing ractopamine, he is disregarding public opinion and endangering public health. At the same time, the government has instigated price hikes in gasoline, electricity and even in health insurance premiums, which have significantly increased the cost of living. This government clearly cares little for the public.
Prior to the January presidential election, Ma promised things would get better if people voted for him. They haven’t gotten better, and it seems that, not having to face the electorate again, he feels free to oblige the public to grin and bear the situation he has engineered. The electorate might not agree with what he is doing, but voters can do little about it, which shows that flaws remain in Taiwan’s democratic system.
Perhaps the time has come to reform the system. When I say reform, I refer to one that will provide guarantees of life, subsistence and rights.
Over its history, Taiwan has been subjected to the rule of many different powers, something I have called the “tragedy of being born Taiwanese.” However, with the development of the democracy movement and with popular support, I, as president, was able to push for reform and, through a peaceful revolution, transfer political power to the hands of the public, making Taiwanese the true masters of their country. More work is still needed in judicial, educational and religious reforms, so that people can truely have a sense of being in control of their own fate. Reform brings a better quality of life; it doesn’t require that people have to endure tough times.
In the past, Taiwanese took to the streets to demand the right to vote and freedom of speech, not thinking of the risk to person and property. Now, the president is decided in direct elections and the reins of government have changed hands on two occasions. However, the momentum for reform seems to have been lost and politics has become more about furthering one’s own status and interests. The focus is no longer on improving the lives of ordinary people.
If Taiwan is to continue to progress, we need to rely on the public and on social movements: We can no longer look to the political parties. Indeed, there is no room for any party that works counter to the will of the public.
Taiwan still has many problems — political, economic and social — related to the constitutional government system, the effectiveness of the judiciary, social justice, the integrity of the press, environmental protection, land justice, public health, human rights and the care of the weak and the vulnerable.
For example, the stipulations in the opening paragraphs of the Additional Articles of the Republic of China Constitution that presuppose the goal of unification are out of touch with how the majority of Taiwanese think today; the allocation of legislative seats to members of the majority and minority political parties does not reflect the number of votes these parties actually obtain in the legislative elections, counter to the principle that all votes should have equal weighting; constitutional reform is entirely in the hands of the legislature; the public has to wade through many layers of red tape before it can initiate a referendum — a serious restriction of their ability to express their opinions; and the gap between the rich and poor continues to widen in an affront to fairness and justice. We need to undertake comprehensive reforms to set these issues right.
In the past, Taiwanese entrusted the government with the protection of their rights. People were busy getting on with living their own lives; they didn’t have time to concern themselves with the public good, and it was therefore impossible for them to unite into a movement for reform. I would like to remind all Taiwanese that rights have to be fought for — they do not grow on trees. The public needs to take the initiative, unite and push for more democratic reforms if Taiwanese are ever to truly have a say in how the country is run.
Taiwan has always been a vibrant place and Taiwanese a formidable bunch. At the moment, things may not be looking too positive and the wind has been taken out of their sails to a degree, but they haven’t lost their sense of social justice. Look at the public reaction to the government’s recent forced demolition of property belonging to the Wang family in Taipei’s Shilin District (士林), the support for Miaoli farmers subjected to forced land expropriation and the White Rose Movement born of frustration with out-of-touch “dinosaur” judges, all of which demonstrate the Taiwanese insistence on justice.
I would like to encourage the whole nation not to lose heart, to maintain their passion for their country, to keep their love for their land and compatriots, to remain confident in themselves and to push for more reform. We need to start from the unfairness and injustice that we see around us now, in the constitutional government system, the effectiveness of the judiciary, social justice and all of the things we have already mentioned. If the government is not prepared to introduce these reforms and the political parties don’t care, the public needs to stand up and adopt the same resolve it had before, to push for more democratic reforms and continue to fight for a bright future for Taiwan.
Lee Teng-hui is a former president of Taiwan.
Translated by Paul Cooper
A nation has several pillars of national defense, among them are military strength, energy and food security, and national unity. Military strength is very much on the forefront of the debate, while several recent editorials have dealt with energy security. National unity and a sense of shared purpose — especially while a powerful, hostile state is becoming increasingly menacing — are problematic, and would continue to be until the nation’s schizophrenia is properly managed. The controversy over the past few days over former navy lieutenant commander Lu Li-shih’s (呂禮詩) usage of the term “our China” during an interview about his attendance
Bo Guagua (薄瓜瓜), the son of former Chinese Communist Party (CCP) Central Committee Politburo member and former Chongqing Municipal Communist Party secretary Bo Xilai (薄熙來), used his British passport to make a low-key entry into Taiwan on a flight originating in Canada. He is set to marry the granddaughter of former political heavyweight Hsu Wen-cheng (許文政), the founder of Luodong Poh-Ai Hospital in Yilan County’s Luodong Township (羅東). Bo Xilai is a former high-ranking CCP official who was once a challenger to Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平) for the chairmanship of the CCP. That makes Bo Guagua a bona fide “third-generation red”
Following the BRICS summit held in Kazan, Russia, last month, media outlets circulated familiar narratives about Russia and China’s plans to dethrone the US dollar and build a BRICS-led global order. Each summit brings renewed buzz about a BRICS cross-border payment system designed to replace the SWIFT payment system, allowing members to trade without using US dollars. Articles often highlight the appeal of this concept to BRICS members — bypassing sanctions, reducing US dollar dependence and escaping US influence. They say that, if widely adopted, the US dollar could lose its global currency status. However, none of these articles provide
US president-elect Donald Trump earlier this year accused Taiwan Semiconductor Manufacturing Co (TSMC) of “stealing” the US chip business. He did so to have a favorable bargaining chip in negotiations with Taiwan. During his first term from 2017 to 2021, Trump demanded that European allies increase their military budgets — especially Germany, where US troops are stationed — and that Japan and South Korea share more of the costs for stationing US troops in their countries. He demanded that rich countries not simply enjoy the “protection” the US has provided since the end of World War II, while being stingy with
RSS