After having been accused by the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) of not clearly stating her policies, Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) Chairperson Tsai Ing-wen (蔡英文) announced the party’s 10-year policy guidelines on Monday, with her views on cross-strait relations attracting the most attention.
Tsai defined the focus of cross-strait relations by saying that the two sides should seek harmony, but reserve the right to disagree, while seeking agreement in a spirit of conciliation. She wants the two sides to strive for common interests and benefits.
Tsai’s announcement has established the main battlefield between the two main opponents in the presidential election. Mainland Affairs Council Chairperson Lai Shin-yuan (賴幸媛) immediately attacked Tsai, posing 18 questions, while President Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九) attacked the policy statement in a speech in Kinmen.
Tsai’s view of cross-strait relations approaches the issue from a global perspective. She hopes that multi-layered and multifaceted exchanges between Taiwan and China would result in a framework for cross-strait peace, stability and interaction, which could help establish a stable and constructive bilateral relationship.
Tsai’s cross-strait policy maintains the DPP’s priority on placing Taiwan first and creating a consensus based on Taiwanese identity, but it is more pragmatic than former president Chen Shui-bian’s (陳水扁) radical approach, in that it seeks mutual strategic gains and beneficial cross-strait trade.
Ma’s view, however, is to approach the issue from a Chinese perspective that expands outward to a global context. He says cross-strait relations must remain within the context of the Republic of China (ROC) Constitution and he sticks to the so-called “1992 consensus,” ignoring the fact that there is no such thing, and “mutual non-denial.”
His view of cross-strait relations is built on the fact that China has been willing to let him have a small corner for himself, so that he can express his views in Taiwan — the rest of the world accepts or understands China’s definition of the cross-strait relationship. This cruel reality is made painfully obvious by China’s suppression of Taiwan in the international arena.
Ma may want to highlight his cross-strait and diplomatic accomplishments by talking about Taiwan becoming an observer at the World Health Assembly, his diplomatic truce and how Taiwan enjoys visa exempt status in almost 100 countries, but the fact is that cross-strait relations have been more stable during his presidency because he and his government have bowed their heads and accepted the so-called “1992 consensus,” giving Ma a little corner for himself where he can continue to develop his pro-China policies in search of his goal of eventual unification.
Ma’s declaration a few days ago that China had rejected requests from three of Taiwan’s diplomatic allies to establish diplomatic relations, coupled with the fact that Taiwan’s diplomats and army no longer know what they are fighting to defend, make it clear that the diplomatic truce is just a gradual approach to unification with China.
Regardless of what the DPP’s and KMT’s cross-strait policies look like, China will not be satisfied if they don’t aim to create “one China.”
Both the KMT and the DPP should pay less attention to what China thinks and more attention to what the Taiwanese public want.
Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus whip Fu Kun-chi (傅?萁) has caused havoc with his attempts to overturn the democratic and constitutional order in the legislature. If we look at this devolution from the context of a transition to democracy from authoritarianism in a culturally Chinese sense — that of zhonghua (中華) — then we are playing witness to a servile spirit from a millennia-old form of totalitarianism that is intent on damaging the nation’s hard-won democracy. This servile spirit is ingrained in Chinese culture. About a century ago, Chinese satirist and author Lu Xun (魯迅) saw through the servile nature of
In their New York Times bestseller How Democracies Die, Harvard political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt said that democracies today “may die at the hands not of generals but of elected leaders. Many government efforts to subvert democracy are ‘legal,’ in the sense that they are approved by the legislature or accepted by the courts. They may even be portrayed as efforts to improve democracy — making the judiciary more efficient, combating corruption, or cleaning up the electoral process.” Moreover, the two authors observe that those who denounce such legal threats to democracy are often “dismissed as exaggerating or
Monday was the 37th anniversary of former president Chiang Ching-kuo’s (蔣經國) death. Chiang — a son of former president Chiang Kai-shek (蔣介石), who had implemented party-state rule and martial law in Taiwan — has a complicated legacy. Whether one looks at his time in power in a positive or negative light depends very much on who they are, and what their relationship with the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) is. Although toward the end of his life Chiang Ching-kuo lifted martial law and steered Taiwan onto the path of democratization, these changes were forced upon him by internal and external pressures,
The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus in the Legislative Yuan has made an internal decision to freeze NT$1.8 billion (US$54.7 million) of the indigenous submarine project’s NT$2 billion budget. This means that up to 90 percent of the budget cannot be utilized. It would only be accessible if the legislature agrees to lift the freeze sometime in the future. However, for Taiwan to construct its own submarines, it must rely on foreign support for several key pieces of equipment and technology. These foreign supporters would also be forced to endure significant pressure, infiltration and influence from Beijing. In other words,
RSS