On May 20, former chairman of the American Institute in Taiwan Richard Bush and the head of the Taipei Economic and Cultural Representative Office in Washington, Jason Yuan (袁健生), hosted a seminar during an academic conference to mark the centennial of the October 1911 Revolution in the Republic of China (ROC) at the Brookings Institution in the US capital.
Bush took the opportunity to remind those people in attendance that the US had broached the prickly issue of Taiwan and the Republic of China back in the 1950s and 1960s with the concepts of “New Country” (the founding of a new country) and “two Chinas.”
He then said that the concept of “two Chinas” that was proposed by the US government decades ago could still be applied to cross-strait relations today, but this would only be possible if Beijing would accept it.
Taiwan’s Presidential Office, via the Central News Agency, responded by reiterating that under the framework of the ROC Constitution, the two sides of the Taiwan Strait do not recognize each other’s sovereignty, but do not deny each other’s jurisdiction and are working toward a consensus, putting aside differences and pursuing peaceful cross-strait development.
Bush’s speech was interesting in that it allowed us to reflect on past political events through the prism of present realities.
The more pertinent question is what exactly did President Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九) mean when he invoked the ROC Constitution?
The ROC Constitution, to which the idea of “one China” is essential, underpins the “exile” status of the government of the ROC (but not of Taiwan).
Without it, the ROC would not be able to exist alongside the People’s Republic of China (PRC), the implications of which include the fact that the authorities in Taipei would also no longer be internationally regarded as exiled “Chinese Taipei.”
Ma’s continued emphasis on the Constitution reflects his own personal ideology and the way in which it embraces this exile status.
However, even as Ma disagrees with Beijing over the issue of legitimacy, he still expects China to accept the idea of both sides not recognizing each other’s sovereignty while not denying the other’s jurisdiction.
Surely this leads us right back to the concept of “two Chinas.” At the same time, it contradicts the idea of “one China” to which Ma insists he subscribes.
Such tangled logic. How can someone who holds such ideas hope to govern Taiwan properly?
Furthermore, although Bush discussed the “two Chinas” concept, he neglected to account for the fact that this is not 1979.
The US government no longer recognizes Taiwan as the ROC. As far as it is concerned, the Taiwan Relations Act (TRA) only really talks about the de facto governing authorities in Taiwan. Although the ROC has been around for 100 years, both the “New Country” and “two Chinas” idea take as their starting point mutual cooperation and security between the US and Japan, including the 1950 Treaty of Peace with Japan (Treaty of San Francisco).
It is clear that Ma’s focus is on the governing regime, not the people.
His ideology has little to do with the notion of the “Taiwanese people” so explicitly stated in the TRA.
HoonTing is an independent Taiwanese researcher focusing on the issue of Taiwan’s status.
TRANSLATED BY KATHERINE WEI
Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus whip Fu Kun-chi (傅?萁) has caused havoc with his attempts to overturn the democratic and constitutional order in the legislature. If we look at this devolution from the context of a transition to democracy from authoritarianism in a culturally Chinese sense — that of zhonghua (中華) — then we are playing witness to a servile spirit from a millennia-old form of totalitarianism that is intent on damaging the nation’s hard-won democracy. This servile spirit is ingrained in Chinese culture. About a century ago, Chinese satirist and author Lu Xun (魯迅) saw through the servile nature of
In their New York Times bestseller How Democracies Die, Harvard political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt said that democracies today “may die at the hands not of generals but of elected leaders. Many government efforts to subvert democracy are ‘legal,’ in the sense that they are approved by the legislature or accepted by the courts. They may even be portrayed as efforts to improve democracy — making the judiciary more efficient, combating corruption, or cleaning up the electoral process.” Moreover, the two authors observe that those who denounce such legal threats to democracy are often “dismissed as exaggerating or
Monday was the 37th anniversary of former president Chiang Ching-kuo’s (蔣經國) death. Chiang — a son of former president Chiang Kai-shek (蔣介石), who had implemented party-state rule and martial law in Taiwan — has a complicated legacy. Whether one looks at his time in power in a positive or negative light depends very much on who they are, and what their relationship with the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) is. Although toward the end of his life Chiang Ching-kuo lifted martial law and steered Taiwan onto the path of democratization, these changes were forced upon him by internal and external pressures,
The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus in the Legislative Yuan has made an internal decision to freeze NT$1.8 billion (US$54.7 million) of the indigenous submarine project’s NT$2 billion budget. This means that up to 90 percent of the budget cannot be utilized. It would only be accessible if the legislature agrees to lift the freeze sometime in the future. However, for Taiwan to construct its own submarines, it must rely on foreign support for several key pieces of equipment and technology. These foreign supporters would also be forced to endure significant pressure, infiltration and influence from Beijing. In other words,