The massive earthquake and ensuing tsunami that struck Japan on March 11, which led to the crisis at the Fukushima Dai-ichi nuclear power plant, have triggered a debate on nuclear energy in Taiwan. The response of President Ma Ying-jeou’s (馬英九) government echoes the way it defends its China policy — underestimating the risk and telling the public that it need not worry because everything will be just fine.
Taiwan’s nuclear power plants are built near faults and volcanoes, and the three operational plants are already getting old. According to the March 19 edition of the Wall Street Journal, those three plants and the fourth one, which is still under construction, are among the most risk-prone in the world.
A responsible government would immediately stop operations at the three working plants to allow for safety inpsections, and then seriously consider scrapping the fourth one. It would also make greater efforts to expand alternative energy resources, improve energy efficiency and implement the existing “nuclear-free county” clause in the Basic Environment Act (環境基本法).
However, that is not what this government has in mind. It would have us believe that Taiwan’s nuclear power plants are as safe as houses. It raises the specter of economic collapse if the country were to abandon nuclear energy, while citing selective statistics to mislead the public.
While failing to set the public’s mind at rest, the government is also wasting a good opportunity to work out the best combination of energy resources for the nation.
Between the two extremes of scrapping nuclear power and further developing it, there are other options, such as gradual plant closures and slowly reducing our dependence on nuclear energy.
The government’s China policy also poses a grave threat for Taiwan. In a sense, this threat is even more serious, because Taiwan cannot decide the outcome alone. China is using a carrot-and-stick strategy to work toward the goal of annexing Taiwan.
However, the Ma administration seems to believe that if Taiwan acts obsequiously and pleases China by promoting a “diplomatic truce” and scrapping its defenses, the result will be peace and economic bonuses. Under the previous administration of president Chen Shui-bian (陳水扁), the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) used its majority in the legislature to oppose procurements of US arms.
Since taking office in 2008, Ma has repeatedly bragged about the “peace bonuses” of his China policy. He wants the public to share in his self--assurance, while the country unwittingly walks further and further into danger.
As to assessing the risks of its current China policy and working out how to respond if something goes wrong, the government has nothing to offer.
Just as we protect our own homes, we have to stand together in defense of our homeland.
Over the past three years, the government has narrowed Taiwan’s prospects by replacing “internationalization” with “sinicization.” The more Taiwan becomes integrated with China, the harder it gets to pull out.
The government is doing something similar with regard to nuclear power, expecting the public to accept it regardless of the risks and refusing to reconsider its nuclear energy policy.
The only assurance Ma can offer is: “With me in charge, your heart can be at ease.”
Unfortunately, given this administration’s record of incompetence, there can be few people who feel “at ease” as long as Ma remains in office.
Lu Shih-hsiang is an adviser to the Taipei Times.
TRANSLATED BY EDDY CHANG
China’s supreme objective in a war across the Taiwan Strait is to incorporate Taiwan as a province of the People’s Republic. It follows, therefore, that international recognition of Taiwan’s de jure independence is a consummation that China’s leaders devoutly wish to avoid. By the same token, an American strategy to deny China that objective would complicate Beijing’s calculus and deter large-scale hostilities. For decades, China has cautioned “independence means war.” The opposite is also true: “war means independence.” A comprehensive strategy of denial would guarantee an outcome of de jure independence for Taiwan in the event of Chinese invasion or
Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) Chairwoman Cheng Li-wun (鄭麗文) earlier this month said it is necessary for her to meet with Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平) and it would be a “huge boost” to the party’s local election results in November, but many KMT members have expressed different opinions, indicating a struggle between different groups in the party. Since Cheng was elected as party chairwoman in October last year, she has repeatedly expressed support for increased exchanges with China, saying that it would bring peace and prosperity to Taiwan, and that a meeting with Xi in Beijing takes priority over meeting
The political order of former president Lee Teng-hui (李登輝) first took shape in 1988. Then-vice president Lee succeeded former president Chiang Ching-kuo (蔣經國) after he passed, and served out the remainder of his term in office. In 1990, Lee was elected president by the National Assembly, and in 1996, he won Taiwan’s first direct presidential election. Those two, six and four-year terms were an era-defining 12-year presidential tenure. Throughout those years, Lee served as helmsman for Taiwan’s transition from martial law and authoritarianism to democracy. This period came to be known as the “quiet revolution,” leaving a legacy containing light
Taiwan no longer wants to merely manufacture the chips that power artificial intelligence (AI). It aims to build the software, platforms and services that run on them. Ten major AI infrastructure projects, a national cloud computing center in Tainan, the sovereign language model Trustworthy AI Dialogue Engine, five targeted industry verticals — from precision medicine to smart agriculture — and the goal of ranking among the world’s top five in computing power by 2040: The roadmap from “Silicon Island” to “Smart Island” is drawn. The question is whether the western plains, where population, industry and farmland are concentrated, have the water and
RSS