The use of communiques and statements to gradually restrain the US and isolate Taiwan is a special skill that China has developed over many years. Beijing uses these communiques and statements to build a wall designed to keep the US and other countries from interfering in “China’s business.” Despite some notable successes, realities such as military strength and international pressure have so far stopped Beijing from laying its hands on Taiwan.
This is why the strategy to promote unification through economic means has become China’s top strategy and time is proving it to be an effective approach. As the strategy continues to develop through its different stages, the questions from Taiwanese about the “one China” market — such as the loss of economic sovereignty and domestic job opportunities — are also increasing.
Beijing clearly feels that the most effective way to calm the wave of protest among Taiwanese is if outside observers, the US in particular, support its strategy from the sidelines.
This request by China may not seem to have anything to do with the national sovereignty issue and it is frequently accommodated by US officials.
Just as China hoped, phrases such as: “We welcome the increasing frequency of cross-strait exchanges” and other “pretty lies” roll so easily off the tongues of US officials visiting China that they are becoming gradually formalized.
In the China-US joint statement issued by US President Barack Obama and Chinese President Hu Jintao (胡錦濤) during Hu’s recent visit to Washington, the US could not leave out mentioning “that the United States follows its one China policy and abides by the principles of the three US-China Joint Communiques,” or fulfilling China’s hopes — maybe even demands — by saying that the US “applauds the Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement [ECFA] between the two sides of the Taiwan Strait and welcomes the new lines of communications developing between them.”
This is symbolic of the formalization of China’s economic approach and it makes it clear that a signature is the only thing missing from a future joint US-China “Taiwan Strait economic communique.”
Such a communique would do more damage to Taiwan than the three US-China joint communiques. At the very least, the recent joint statement achieved two things: It helped legitimize and internationalize the “one China” market and the ECFA, and it has helped the pro-China Taiwanese government consolidate its position ahead of next year’s presidential election.
Huang Tien-lin is a former national policy adviser.
TRANSLATED BY PERRY SVENSSON
Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus whip Fu Kun-chi (傅?萁) has caused havoc with his attempts to overturn the democratic and constitutional order in the legislature. If we look at this devolution from the context of a transition to democracy from authoritarianism in a culturally Chinese sense — that of zhonghua (中華) — then we are playing witness to a servile spirit from a millennia-old form of totalitarianism that is intent on damaging the nation’s hard-won democracy. This servile spirit is ingrained in Chinese culture. About a century ago, Chinese satirist and author Lu Xun (魯迅) saw through the servile nature of
In their New York Times bestseller How Democracies Die, Harvard political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt said that democracies today “may die at the hands not of generals but of elected leaders. Many government efforts to subvert democracy are ‘legal,’ in the sense that they are approved by the legislature or accepted by the courts. They may even be portrayed as efforts to improve democracy — making the judiciary more efficient, combating corruption, or cleaning up the electoral process.” Moreover, the two authors observe that those who denounce such legal threats to democracy are often “dismissed as exaggerating or
Monday was the 37th anniversary of former president Chiang Ching-kuo’s (蔣經國) death. Chiang — a son of former president Chiang Kai-shek (蔣介石), who had implemented party-state rule and martial law in Taiwan — has a complicated legacy. Whether one looks at his time in power in a positive or negative light depends very much on who they are, and what their relationship with the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) is. Although toward the end of his life Chiang Ching-kuo lifted martial law and steered Taiwan onto the path of democratization, these changes were forced upon him by internal and external pressures,
The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus in the Legislative Yuan has made an internal decision to freeze NT$1.8 billion (US$54.7 million) of the indigenous submarine project’s NT$2 billion budget. This means that up to 90 percent of the budget cannot be utilized. It would only be accessible if the legislature agrees to lift the freeze sometime in the future. However, for Taiwan to construct its own submarines, it must rely on foreign support for several key pieces of equipment and technology. These foreign supporters would also be forced to endure significant pressure, infiltration and influence from Beijing. In other words,