Today marks the second anniversary of President Ma Ying-jeou’s (馬英九) inauguration as president. At a time when his plummeting approval ratings have improved ever so slightly, Ma yesterday reiterated his recent pledge to “create the next golden decade” for Taiwan while addressing a roomful of reporters from home and abroad at the Presidential Office.
In this address, Ma said that the well-being of the Taiwanese people always comes before considerations of his own re-election.
Ironic then, that Ma’s so-called “next golden decade” has been roundly criticized as overtly political. It can only be realized if he performs well during the remaining two years of his term, then secures a second four-year term and passes the torch to a Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) political heir — two, plus four and four — which turns out to be no less than another campaign pledge.
No seasoned campaign managers would deny that it’s a brilliant and catchy campaign slogan (in Chinese at least) that can be easily understood by the public. Unfortunately, Ma really should have been more focused on running the country, rather than engaging in non-stop campaigning, at least until the end of this year.
In other words, the next two years will be critical for him to make good on his “golden” promise.
However, if we are to sign up to Ma’s “2-4-4 plan,” then surely it is not unreasonable to first expect him to honor his “6-3-3 plan” — a pledge he gave as a presidential candidate — to boost annual economic growth to 6 percent, keep unemployment below 3 percent and boost GDP per capita to US$30,000 (the latest government statistics show that GDP may recover to 4.72 percent this year following negative growth of 1.87 percent last year. Per capita GDP was US$16,997 as of the end of last year and the unemployment rate was 5.67 percent as of March). Little wonder, then, that Ma did not touch upon any of these goals during yesterday’s media briefing.
In the event that the president chooses the occasion of the second anniversary of his inauguration to forget these undertakings, it is our duty to remind him. If these three expectations, none of which has been realized, are not met before Ma completes his first term, the voting public should seriously reconsider whether he deserves another four-year presidential term.
This would also hold our politicians to at least a minimum standard of behavior. A system in which campaign pledges can be made and discarded at a later date is a system that dishonors Taiwan’s democracy.
The International Institute for Management Development’s (IMD) latest world competitiveness report, which boosted Taiwan’s ranking this year to eighth from last year’s 23rd, provided a much-needed shot in the arm for the Ma administration (although it is another question entirely why Taiwan’s competitiveness increased more than at any time since 1994 when annual growth has yet to recover to the level of 2007).
It is beholden upon the Taiwanese government to live up to, maintain and build on this competitiveness in the years to come.
Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus whip Fu Kun-chi (傅?萁) has caused havoc with his attempts to overturn the democratic and constitutional order in the legislature. If we look at this devolution from the context of a transition to democracy from authoritarianism in a culturally Chinese sense — that of zhonghua (中華) — then we are playing witness to a servile spirit from a millennia-old form of totalitarianism that is intent on damaging the nation’s hard-won democracy. This servile spirit is ingrained in Chinese culture. About a century ago, Chinese satirist and author Lu Xun (魯迅) saw through the servile nature of
In their New York Times bestseller How Democracies Die, Harvard political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt said that democracies today “may die at the hands not of generals but of elected leaders. Many government efforts to subvert democracy are ‘legal,’ in the sense that they are approved by the legislature or accepted by the courts. They may even be portrayed as efforts to improve democracy — making the judiciary more efficient, combating corruption, or cleaning up the electoral process.” Moreover, the two authors observe that those who denounce such legal threats to democracy are often “dismissed as exaggerating or
Monday was the 37th anniversary of former president Chiang Ching-kuo’s (蔣經國) death. Chiang — a son of former president Chiang Kai-shek (蔣介石), who had implemented party-state rule and martial law in Taiwan — has a complicated legacy. Whether one looks at his time in power in a positive or negative light depends very much on who they are, and what their relationship with the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) is. Although toward the end of his life Chiang Ching-kuo lifted martial law and steered Taiwan onto the path of democratization, these changes were forced upon him by internal and external pressures,
The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus in the Legislative Yuan has made an internal decision to freeze NT$1.8 billion (US$54.7 million) of the indigenous submarine project’s NT$2 billion budget. This means that up to 90 percent of the budget cannot be utilized. It would only be accessible if the legislature agrees to lift the freeze sometime in the future. However, for Taiwan to construct its own submarines, it must rely on foreign support for several key pieces of equipment and technology. These foreign supporters would also be forced to endure significant pressure, infiltration and influence from Beijing. In other words,
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