The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) lost all three legislative by-elections on Saturday. Although President Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九) has said he feels “great” about his four-pronged strategy for dealing with adversity — deal with problems calmly, learn from mistakes, pursue reforms and make progress — he may have a hard time swallowing this latest bad news. Although he launched party reforms after the KMT did poorly in local elections last month, this latest blow casts doubt on whether Ma, as KMT chairman, understands what the problem is.
The KMT was the obvious underdog on Saturday. Each of the by-elections was necessitated by its own legislators and voters had cause to be displeased. In Taichung and Taoyuan counties, two KMT legislators had lost their seats because of vote buying. The Taitung County by-election had to be held because KMT legislator Justin Huang (黃健庭) had resigned to run for Taitung county commissioner in last month’s election.
That decision was dogged by claims, however, that Huang and the KMT candidate who ran for his seat — and who was Huang’s predecessor as county commissioner — Kuang Li-chen (鄺麗貞) had struck a deal to switch jobs. Given the scandal surrounding Kuang’s official trips abroad and her implication in corruption proceedings against her husband Wu Chun-li (吳俊立), all three defeats were a warning from voters to the KMT.
The public’s displeasure was compounded by the government’s handling of the US beef issue, the (A)H1N1 vaccine and the proposed economic cooperation framework agreement (ECFA) with China.
Although KMT legislators opposed the government over the beef protocol, neither the Presidential Office nor the Cabinet reviewed its approach. This has put off voters, KMT members and the US alike. Such behavior can easily spark a backlash among swing voters or even cause dedicated KMT supporters to abstain from voting.
The KMT has not been sincere about reform. The party’s promises concerning its controversial assets have yet to materialize. Local factions still have too much sway in the nomination of candidates. Such reform is unlikely to mobilize party members and convince voters.
Compared with the last legislative polls, the three KMT candidates lost between 10,000 and 30,000 votes each this weekend. The DPP candidates not only retained their support base, but votes for Lai Kun-cheng (賴坤成) in Taitung County and Chien Chao-tung (簡肇棟) in Taichung County rose slightly. The KMT lost base support because of low turnout.
With three new legislators, the DPP finally has enough seats to propose to amend the Constitution or impeach the president. As the KMT retains a strong majority, however, the significance of this victory is symbolic. The DPP seems to have emerged from the shadow of former president Chen Shui-bian (陳水扁) and his administration’s poor performance.
Ma, meanwhile, is faced with a challenge. There are rumblings of dissent from within his party and faith in his leadership is faltering in Beijing and internationally. Ma has to adjust how he runs his government, step up party reform and heed public opinion. If he doesn’t, he will be looking at a similar setback in the four legislative by-elections next month and the special municipality elections at the end of the year.
Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus whip Fu Kun-chi (傅?萁) has caused havoc with his attempts to overturn the democratic and constitutional order in the legislature. If we look at this devolution from the context of a transition to democracy from authoritarianism in a culturally Chinese sense — that of zhonghua (中華) — then we are playing witness to a servile spirit from a millennia-old form of totalitarianism that is intent on damaging the nation’s hard-won democracy. This servile spirit is ingrained in Chinese culture. About a century ago, Chinese satirist and author Lu Xun (魯迅) saw through the servile nature of
In their New York Times bestseller How Democracies Die, Harvard political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt said that democracies today “may die at the hands not of generals but of elected leaders. Many government efforts to subvert democracy are ‘legal,’ in the sense that they are approved by the legislature or accepted by the courts. They may even be portrayed as efforts to improve democracy — making the judiciary more efficient, combating corruption, or cleaning up the electoral process.” Moreover, the two authors observe that those who denounce such legal threats to democracy are often “dismissed as exaggerating or
Monday was the 37th anniversary of former president Chiang Ching-kuo’s (蔣經國) death. Chiang — a son of former president Chiang Kai-shek (蔣介石), who had implemented party-state rule and martial law in Taiwan — has a complicated legacy. Whether one looks at his time in power in a positive or negative light depends very much on who they are, and what their relationship with the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) is. Although toward the end of his life Chiang Ching-kuo lifted martial law and steered Taiwan onto the path of democratization, these changes were forced upon him by internal and external pressures,
The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus in the Legislative Yuan has made an internal decision to freeze NT$1.8 billion (US$54.7 million) of the indigenous submarine project’s NT$2 billion budget. This means that up to 90 percent of the budget cannot be utilized. It would only be accessible if the legislature agrees to lift the freeze sometime in the future. However, for Taiwan to construct its own submarines, it must rely on foreign support for several key pieces of equipment and technology. These foreign supporters would also be forced to endure significant pressure, infiltration and influence from Beijing. In other words,