The joint statement issued by Chinese President Hu Jintao (胡錦濤) and US President Barack Obama on Nov. 17 was cause for concern. Taiwan was further marginalized in the triangle of relations between Taiwan, the US and China and is now in an unprecedented predicament. Taiwan must amend the Referendum Act (公民投票法) to state that “cross-strait agreements shall be decided by public referendum.”
That is the only way for a united Taiwan to deal with the enormous pressure for political talks this nation can now expect from Hu.
The joint statement did not mention the Taiwan Relations Act (TRA) — which governs Washington’s Taiwan policy — but did mention the three Sino-US joint communiques.
territorial integrity
The statement also treated China’s sovereignty and territorial integrity as the core of the three communiques and changed Washington’s “one China policy” into a “one China principle.”
Obama even publicly supported Hu’s request for Taiwan to start cross-strait political talks soon.
The US’ promises to Taiwan weakened and Washington violated its 1982 “six assurances” to Taiwan by endorsing cross-strait political talks.
With Obama’s endorsement, Hu is expected to pile on the pressure to achieve his dream of creating an irreversible framework for unification before he steps down in 2012.
President Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九) and his government have said Taiwan will sign an economic cooperation framework agreement (ECFA) with China in March, even though its contents remain unclear.
COMING SOON?
Hu said recently that Taiwan cannot avoid political negotiations with China, meaning that such talks are likely to be on the table soon after an ECFA is inked.
Judging from his sophistication and deviousness, Hu will ask that Taiwan make a commitment during the signing process to pave the way for political talks and an agenda for a possible Ma-Hu meeting in 2011.
Just a week before the Hu-Obama meeting, China sent a large delegation of academics to Taiwan.
Their tough stance on unification indicates that Beijing was aware of Washington’s support for cross-strait political talks in advance. In the face of both the former’s oppression and the latter’s push, Taipei is facing a crisis: Political talks seem inevitable.
The situation today is even more critical than it was in 1979, when the US established diplomatic ties with the People’s Republic of China.
The US and China are now cooperating to lead Taiwan to the slaughter.
The only solution is to strengthen the nation’s democratic mechanisms as soon as possible and give the public substantial power to decide its future.
PIVOTAL POINT
This is a pivotal moment. Taiwan must amend the Referendum Act and build a consensus on the need for cross-strait decisions to be made by the public through plebiscites.
Referendums on this would endow the public with a right that reaches beyond the blue-green divide to have their say on the nation’s future.
They would also be an effective tool to unite the public and build a domestic consensus on crucial matters.
If Taiwan does not amend the Referendum Act and put cross-strait agreements to referendums, it will find itself squeezed between China and the US into a difficult and irreversible situation.
Lai I-chung is an executive member of Taiwan Thinktank.
TRANSLATED BY EDDY CHANG
Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus whip Fu Kun-chi (傅?萁) has caused havoc with his attempts to overturn the democratic and constitutional order in the legislature. If we look at this devolution from the context of a transition to democracy from authoritarianism in a culturally Chinese sense — that of zhonghua (中華) — then we are playing witness to a servile spirit from a millennia-old form of totalitarianism that is intent on damaging the nation’s hard-won democracy. This servile spirit is ingrained in Chinese culture. About a century ago, Chinese satirist and author Lu Xun (魯迅) saw through the servile nature of
In their New York Times bestseller How Democracies Die, Harvard political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt said that democracies today “may die at the hands not of generals but of elected leaders. Many government efforts to subvert democracy are ‘legal,’ in the sense that they are approved by the legislature or accepted by the courts. They may even be portrayed as efforts to improve democracy — making the judiciary more efficient, combating corruption, or cleaning up the electoral process.” Moreover, the two authors observe that those who denounce such legal threats to democracy are often “dismissed as exaggerating or
Monday was the 37th anniversary of former president Chiang Ching-kuo’s (蔣經國) death. Chiang — a son of former president Chiang Kai-shek (蔣介石), who had implemented party-state rule and martial law in Taiwan — has a complicated legacy. Whether one looks at his time in power in a positive or negative light depends very much on who they are, and what their relationship with the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) is. Although toward the end of his life Chiang Ching-kuo lifted martial law and steered Taiwan onto the path of democratization, these changes were forced upon him by internal and external pressures,
The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus in the Legislative Yuan has made an internal decision to freeze NT$1.8 billion (US$54.7 million) of the indigenous submarine project’s NT$2 billion budget. This means that up to 90 percent of the budget cannot be utilized. It would only be accessible if the legislature agrees to lift the freeze sometime in the future. However, for Taiwan to construct its own submarines, it must rely on foreign support for several key pieces of equipment and technology. These foreign supporters would also be forced to endure significant pressure, infiltration and influence from Beijing. In other words,