Imagine you receive a last-minute request from the president to take over as premier and quickly decide the composition of a new Cabinet. What would you do first? A new premier is going to be bombarded with countless tasks. He or she needs to meet prospective Cabinet members, finalize a Cabinet line-up, work out the Cabinet’s priorities and draw up a policy blueprint for the new administration.
So it was a bit surprising that the first thing Wu Den-yih (吳敦義) did after being asked to be premier was make a quick trip to Hong Kong.
Wu said that he had been invited to meet civil engineering experts and inspect Hong Kong’s landslide prevention and warning systems. President Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九) said he had known about Wu’s trip beforehand and that it was he who had suggested that Wu talk with members of the territory’s Civil Engineering and Development Department (CEDD).
But Wu chose to travel to Hong Kong on Sept. 5, a Saturday when public departments are closed. The timing would seem to be odd for a visit to the CEDD.
Hong Kong’s landslide prevention schemes may well be advanced, but surely Taiwan’s representative office in the territory could have obtained relevant documents and materials. The Ministry of the Interior could also have sent its engineers — who would have presumably been better qualified to inspect the systems. Was it really necessary for the premier-designate to go to himself?
What about Japan? It developed world-class techniques to try to prevent landslides after disasters similar to those that befell Hong Kong in the 1970s. Why wasn’t a trip to Japan to consult with experts suggested?
Wu’s Hong Kong trip remains a puzzle, and members of the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) have voiced reasonable suspicions about hidden motives. Could it be that Wu, having been invited by Ma to become premier, went to Hong Kong to report to the Chinese leadership and get their approval? It is worth noting that after Wu’s trip, China’s official media said that his appointment would be good for cross-strait relations.
Although Wu and the Presidential Office have sought to allay suspicions, doubts remain. The Constitution doesn’t require the president to obtain legislative approval of his choice of premier. If the premier-designate doesn’t need the approval of elected representatives in Taiwan but has to go for an interview in Hong Kong to receive China’s blessing, then Taiwan’s sovereignty and independence have really dwindled to nothing more than what Hong Kong and Macau now have.
This is a serious accusation, and has the making of a major political storm that could impact not just the development of cross-strait relations but domestic politics and national sovereignty. The Presidential Office, the Cabinet and the DPP are all duty bound to take the issue seriously.
Even though the legislature doesn’t have the power to veto the choice of premier, when the new legislative session starts on Friday, lawmakers should call on the new premier to clear the air by giving a complete account of his itinerary in Hong Kong and whom he met. If Wu is found to be hiding something, or the DPP’s suspicions are proven to be true, it will mean that neither the premier nor the president are fit to remain in their posts.
With escalating US-China competition and mutual distrust, the trend of supply chain “friend shoring” in the wake of the COVID-19 pandemic and the fragmentation of the world into rival geopolitical blocs, many analysts and policymakers worry the world is retreating into a new cold war — a world of trade bifurcation, protectionism and deglobalization. The world is in a new cold war, said Robin Niblett, former director of the London-based think tank Chatham House. Niblett said he sees the US and China slowly reaching a modus vivendi, but it might take time. The two great powers appear to be “reversing carefully
As China steps up a campaign to diplomatically isolate and squeeze Taiwan, it has become more imperative than ever that Taipei play a greater role internationally with the support of the democratic world. To help safeguard its autonomous status, Taiwan needs to go beyond bolstering its defenses with weapons like anti-ship and anti-aircraft missiles. With the help of its international backers, it must also expand its diplomatic footprint globally. But are Taiwan’s foreign friends willing to translate their rhetoric into action by helping Taipei carve out more international space for itself? Beating back China’s effort to turn Taiwan into an international pariah
Typhoon Krathon made landfall in southwestern Taiwan last week, bringing strong winds, heavy rain and flooding, cutting power to more than 170,000 homes and water supply to more than 400,000 homes, and leading to more than 600 injuries and four deaths. Due to the typhoon, schools and offices across the nation were ordered to close for two to four days, stirring up familiar controversies over whether local governments’ decisions to call typhoon days were appropriate. The typhoon’s center made landfall in Kaohsiung’s Siaogang District (小港) at noon on Thursday, but it weakened into a tropical depression early on Friday, and its structure
Taiwan is facing multiple economic challenges due to internal and external pressures. Internal challenges include energy transition, upgrading industries, a declining birthrate and an aging population. External challenges are technology competition between the US and China, international supply chain restructuring and global economic uncertainty. All of these issues complicate Taiwan’s economic situation. Taiwan’s reliance on fossil fuel imports not only threatens the stability of energy supply, but also goes against the global trend of carbon reduction. The government should continue to promote renewable energy sources such as wind and solar power, as well as energy storage technology, to diversify energy supply. It