Global warming is fast rising in the pile of crises facing China as it pursues the unshakeable goal of economic growth while grappling with international pressure to curb its greenhouse gas output.
China, the world’s No. 3 economy, is the top greenhouse gas polluter, scientists say, and its emissions of the main greenhouse gas, carbon dioxide, are set to keep rising.
The US’ climate change policy envoy, Todd Stern, is in Beijing this week, the latest in a succession of officials hoping to nurture agreement with China on containing emissions.
But any climate deal with Beijing is not going to be easy, and half a year remains until nations gather in Copenhagen to work out the treaty, which will succeed the current Kyoto Protocol, whose first phase ends in 2012.
A senior official in China’s National Coordination Committee for Climate Change, Gao Guangsheng (高光生), said bridging disputes on basic principles will probably push talks to the wire.
“I personally hope Copenhagen will reach an agreement with targets for developed countries and specific actions for developing countries,” said Gao in a recent interview. “But at present, to judge from the stances of various countries, it will be difficult to reach an agreement that satisfies everyone.”
The threat of global warming and pressure for a deal in Copenhagen are, nonetheless, driving Beijing to explore ways to reconcile development and minimizing greenhouse gas emissions.
Chinese think tanks have been seeking to map a path to a low-carbon economy and their ideas are likely to be part of what China might offer as a contribution to fighting global warming.
But these blueprints are still on the drawing board and would take years to be implemented, leaving decades before China’s emissions begin to level off.
Uncertainties about what Beijing will do to control its greenhouse gas volumes and what it will receive in return from rich countries, will make for fraught negotiations this year and beyond with Washington and other major powers.
“Reaching agreement at Copenhagen should be relatively easy, because nobody wants outright failure. But reaching an effective agreement will be more more difficult,” said Zhang Haibin (張海濱), an expert on environmental diplomacy at Peking University.
The emissions numbers are daunting, with China’s carbon output outpacing that of the US.
MOVING TO LOW-CARBON
Scientists say these mounting greenhouse gases from industry, transport and agriculture are dangerously overheating the atmosphere by retaining more solar radiation and poorer countries such as China could be especially vulnerable to more intense droughts, floods and storms.
But Beijing also says it must not be distracted from growing its economy and, like other developing countries, should not accept a ceiling on greenhouse gas output, which even optimistic Chinese experts expect to keep rising until around 2030.
By then, China’s annual emissions of carbon dioxide could reach 8 to 10 billion tonnes a year, unless stringent action is taken, said He Jiankun (何建坤), a professor at Tsinghua University in Beijing who advises the Chinese government on emissions policy.
In 2007, China’s carbon dioxide emissions from fossil fuels amounted to about 6.6 billion tonnes, according to US estimates.
China also wants rich nations to cut emissions by at least 40 percent below 1990 levels by 2020 — far deeper than the cuts now on offer — and to give up to 1 percent of their annual economic worth to help poor nations fight global warming.
“Ultimately, there will have to be compromise in Copenhagen, because these negotiations can’t be allowed to collapse,” He said. “If they do fall apart, that will be devastating, and nobody will be spared the repercussions.”
But China is also looking to take some of the initiative in climate change politics by setting its own the path to lower greenhouse gas emissions and eventual outright reductions.
The nation’s next five-year development plan, starting from 2011, will focus on creating a “low-carbon economy” by reducing coal use and encouraging clean energy, said Wang Yi (王毅), an expert on climate change at the Chinese Academy of Sciences.
“In the past, China has been reactive in policy-making, responding when the West has put forward its demands,” said Wang, chief author of a recent 415-page study laying out a blueprint for a low-carbon economy. “Now instead of others criticizing us, we’re saying, ‘Why don’t we take the initiative by proposing our own policy goals?’”
These proposals build on China’s goals to cut the amount of energy expended for each unit of economic worth by 20 percent between 2006 and the end of next year, and to steeply lift use of wind, solar, nuclear and hydro power.
SETTING GOALS
One idea backed by some experts calls for carbon intensity targets, spelling out goals for cutting the amount of carbon dioxide emitted to create each unit of economic worth.
“We must incorporate addressing climate change and reducing the intensity of carbon dioxide emissions into national economic and social development plans,” said the summary of a meeting on energy and climate change issues chaired by Premier Wen Jiabao (溫家寶) last Friday, the central government Web site said.
China could offer to halve its carbon intensity by 2020 compared to 2005 levels, given the right funding and technology incentives from rich nations, Wang said.
But Beijing will remain reluctant to incorporate many of its domestic initiatives into an international treaty, especially any vows on emissions levels, experts said.
China stresses that global warming has been caused by the historically high emissions of wealthy nations and fears signing international commitments it may not be able to meet, Wang said.
Here, too, some experts said there was room for compromise if wealthy powers offer more in aid and emissions cuts.
“Ultimately what commitments the United States makes will have a big impact on what we offer,” Zhang said. “If it can be more ambitious and cooperative before Copenhagen, then so can we.”
Monday was the 37th anniversary of former president Chiang Ching-kuo’s (蔣經國) death. Chiang — a son of former president Chiang Kai-shek (蔣介石), who had implemented party-state rule and martial law in Taiwan — has a complicated legacy. Whether one looks at his time in power in a positive or negative light depends very much on who they are, and what their relationship with the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) is. Although toward the end of his life Chiang Ching-kuo lifted martial law and steered Taiwan onto the path of democratization, these changes were forced upon him by internal and external pressures,
Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus whip Fu Kun-chi (傅?萁) has caused havoc with his attempts to overturn the democratic and constitutional order in the legislature. If we look at this devolution from the context of a transition to democracy from authoritarianism in a culturally Chinese sense — that of zhonghua (中華) — then we are playing witness to a servile spirit from a millennia-old form of totalitarianism that is intent on damaging the nation’s hard-won democracy. This servile spirit is ingrained in Chinese culture. About a century ago, Chinese satirist and author Lu Xun (魯迅) saw through the servile nature of
In their New York Times bestseller How Democracies Die, Harvard political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt said that democracies today “may die at the hands not of generals but of elected leaders. Many government efforts to subvert democracy are ‘legal,’ in the sense that they are approved by the legislature or accepted by the courts. They may even be portrayed as efforts to improve democracy — making the judiciary more efficient, combating corruption, or cleaning up the electoral process.” Moreover, the two authors observe that those who denounce such legal threats to democracy are often “dismissed as exaggerating or
The National Development Council (NDC) on Wednesday last week launched a six-month “digital nomad visitor visa” program, the Central News Agency (CNA) reported on Monday. The new visa is for foreign nationals from Taiwan’s list of visa-exempt countries who meet financial eligibility criteria and provide proof of work contracts, but it is not clear how it differs from other visitor visas for nationals of those countries, CNA wrote. The NDC last year said that it hoped to attract 100,000 “digital nomads,” according to the report. Interest in working remotely from abroad has significantly increased in recent years following improvements in
RSS