At the close of the third round of talks between Straits Exchange Foundation (SEF) Chairman Chiang Pin-kung (江丙坤) and Association for Relations Across the Taiwan Strait (ARATS) Chairman Chen Yunlin (陳雲林) late last month, Chen urged Chiang to “keep going.”
In an apparent response to Chen’s exhortation, an advertisement with the headline “Taiwanese people need Chairman Chiang Pin-kung” was printed, undersigned “chairpersons of Taiwan business associations throughout China.”
The ad seemed to target President Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九). These associations, whose formation Chen has promoted during his tenures as director of the Taiwan Affairs Office and chairman of ARATS, proved very effective on this occasion. Ma quickly appeared on television, urging Chiang to stay in his post. The next day, Ma paid a rare visit to Chiang at the SEF office, accompanied by National Security Council Secretary-General Su Chi (蘇起). Begging Chiang not to resign, Ma’s apologetic attitude betrayed the extent to which he acts at Beijing’s beck and call.
Chiang made a big show of tendering his resignation precisely because he knows Ma dare not touch him — especially with Chiang and Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) Chairman Wu Poh-hsiung (吳伯雄) forming a united front.
Wu assailed Ma’s party allies, saying: “People spreading rumors are scoundrels. I warn you not to push people like Chiang and me against the wall.”
Whether or not Ma makes a bid for the KMT chairmanship next month, Wu is scheduled to lead a delegation to China at that time. Ma, intimidated into silence, dared not mention criticism about conflicts of interest involving the Chinese business ties of members of Chiang’s family, nor their purchase of a luxury villa in the US. Instead, Ma praised Chiang’s contributions to the nation.
With such a timorous president, it is hard to know whether to laugh or cry. The unabashed Chiang promised to prioritize national interests and do whatever needed to be done. In the end, Ma came out playing second fiddle to a more confident Chiang.
Cross-strait relations have developed a great deal over the past five years, from the KMT-Chinese Communist Party (CCP) platform to the recent talks between the SEF and ARATS.
Let us remember that Chiang is also first deputy chairman of the KMT. It is evident that the CCP has connections throughout Taiwan’s political parties, government, business and media and knows the various factions like the back of its hand.
Taiwanese businesspeople in China are simply hostages.
The CCP can slowly extend its influence over Taiwan unbeknownst to the Taiwanese. China no longer needs to resort to military means to impose its will on Taiwan. The most recent example was at the World Health Assembly, where Taiwan will now need China’s approval each year to be invited to the assembly.
China has killed two birds with one stone: It need not worry about another transfer of power in Taiwan.
The SEF is an important player in cross-strait exchanges, but the whole organization, including its leadership, is in the hands of the CCP. This was illustrated by Beijing’s behind-the-scenes support for Chiang. At the same time, Ma is accelerating his rapprochement with China.
As time goes on, China is intervening more brazenly in the appointment of senior Taiwanese officials, as at the SEF. Beijing no longer needs to rely on threats to move Taiwan toward unification, because Taiwan’s democratically elected president is looking increasingly like a puppet.
Lu I-ming is the former publisher and president of the Taiwan Shin Sheng Daily.
TRANSLATED BY JULIAN CLEGG
In their New York Times bestseller How Democracies Die, Harvard political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt said that democracies today “may die at the hands not of generals but of elected leaders. Many government efforts to subvert democracy are ‘legal,’ in the sense that they are approved by the legislature or accepted by the courts. They may even be portrayed as efforts to improve democracy — making the judiciary more efficient, combating corruption, or cleaning up the electoral process.” Moreover, the two authors observe that those who denounce such legal threats to democracy are often “dismissed as exaggerating or
The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus in the Legislative Yuan has made an internal decision to freeze NT$1.8 billion (US$54.7 million) of the indigenous submarine project’s NT$2 billion budget. This means that up to 90 percent of the budget cannot be utilized. It would only be accessible if the legislature agrees to lift the freeze sometime in the future. However, for Taiwan to construct its own submarines, it must rely on foreign support for several key pieces of equipment and technology. These foreign supporters would also be forced to endure significant pressure, infiltration and influence from Beijing. In other words,
“I compare the Communist Party to my mother,” sings a student at a boarding school in a Tibetan region of China’s Qinghai province. “If faith has a color,” others at a different school sing, “it would surely be Chinese red.” In a major story for the New York Times this month, Chris Buckley wrote about the forced placement of hundreds of thousands of Tibetan children in boarding schools, where many suffer physical and psychological abuse. Separating these children from their families, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) aims to substitute itself for their parents and for their religion. Buckley’s reporting is
Last week, the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) and the Taiwan People’s Party (TPP), together holding more than half of the legislative seats, cut about NT$94 billion (US$2.85 billion) from the yearly budget. The cuts include 60 percent of the government’s advertising budget, 10 percent of administrative expenses, 3 percent of the military budget, and 60 percent of the international travel, overseas education and training allowances. In addition, the two parties have proposed freezing the budgets of many ministries and departments, including NT$1.8 billion from the Ministry of National Defense’s Indigenous Defense Submarine program — 90 percent of the program’s proposed