Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) Legislator Wu Yu-sheng (吳育昇) caused an uproar this week by proposing that 228 Memorial Day no longer be a public holiday. Backtracking in the face of a wave of criticism from families, friends and sympathizers of 228 Massacre victims, Wu announced the following day that he would drop the proposal in the legislature.
While the hubbub appears to have died down, the very fact that Wu thought he could submit such a proposal demonstrates an apparent ignorance of Taiwan’s history and a lack of respect for the country and its people.
No history of Taiwan can be told without references to the 228 Massacre. The calamity could be billed as the darkest days in Taiwan’s post-World War II history. It left a deep imprint on the nation’s psyche and had a profound impact on the country’s development. It ushered in the White Terror, during which tens of thousands of people were imprisoned, tortured and killed, while others lived in fear under the watchful eyes of the notorious Taiwan Garrison Command. To this day, many survivors of the victims live with agony and grief; some still don’t know where the remains of their loved ones were buried.
The government’s designation of Feb. 28 as a national day of mourning was part of the country’s healing process. Sixty-two years have passed and while the wounds may have healed, the scars remain. Wu’s comment that 228 was not worth holiday status ripped open those scars. What was he thinking?
That Wu, whom the media considers a key member of “Ma’s corps,” even pitched the idea shows he and many others like him have not learned their history lessons. But perhaps he was simply seeking his master’s approval.
President Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九) has met 228 victims’ families many times in recent years and expressed regret over the incident. He also acknowledged the KMT’s “political” responsibility for 228 and promised to continue research into the incident and its aftermath. However, shortly after he took office in May, construction of the planned 228 National Memorial Hall was halted and the budget for the 228 Memorial Foundation was slashed by the KMT-controlled legislature. This latest move by a “Ma corps” member makes one question Ma’s sincerity once again, after his backtracking on promises to return the KMT’s stolen assets and so many other things. What about Ma’s claim to know what it meant to be Taiwanese?
The government’s recent announcement that it would remove the name plaque at National Taiwan Democracy Memorial Hall and replace it with the original Chiang Kai-shek Memorial Hall plaque has also done little to assuage the feelings of those injured by the 228 Incident. How will they feel having to once again see the name of dictator Chiang Kai-shek (蔣介石), who was singled out by the 2006 academic research report titled 228 Incident: A Report on Responsibility for his role in the matter, in full display and extolled by the Ma administration?
Wu, Ma and their brethren should heed the advice of Holocaust survivor and renowned author Elie Wiesel.
“I have tried to keep the memory alive. I have tried to fight those who would forget. Because if we forget, we are guilty ... not to remember would turn us into accomplices of the killers, to remember would turn anyone into a friend of the victims,” Wiesel said in his 1986 Nobel Peace Prize acceptance speech.
History should be remembered and respected. The 228 Incident is part of what made Taiwan what it is today and that must not be forgotten.
Monday was the 37th anniversary of former president Chiang Ching-kuo’s (蔣經國) death. Chiang — a son of former president Chiang Kai-shek (蔣介石), who had implemented party-state rule and martial law in Taiwan — has a complicated legacy. Whether one looks at his time in power in a positive or negative light depends very much on who they are, and what their relationship with the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) is. Although toward the end of his life Chiang Ching-kuo lifted martial law and steered Taiwan onto the path of democratization, these changes were forced upon him by internal and external pressures,
Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus whip Fu Kun-chi (傅?萁) has caused havoc with his attempts to overturn the democratic and constitutional order in the legislature. If we look at this devolution from the context of a transition to democracy from authoritarianism in a culturally Chinese sense — that of zhonghua (中華) — then we are playing witness to a servile spirit from a millennia-old form of totalitarianism that is intent on damaging the nation’s hard-won democracy. This servile spirit is ingrained in Chinese culture. About a century ago, Chinese satirist and author Lu Xun (魯迅) saw through the servile nature of
In their New York Times bestseller How Democracies Die, Harvard political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt said that democracies today “may die at the hands not of generals but of elected leaders. Many government efforts to subvert democracy are ‘legal,’ in the sense that they are approved by the legislature or accepted by the courts. They may even be portrayed as efforts to improve democracy — making the judiciary more efficient, combating corruption, or cleaning up the electoral process.” Moreover, the two authors observe that those who denounce such legal threats to democracy are often “dismissed as exaggerating or
The National Development Council (NDC) on Wednesday last week launched a six-month “digital nomad visitor visa” program, the Central News Agency (CNA) reported on Monday. The new visa is for foreign nationals from Taiwan’s list of visa-exempt countries who meet financial eligibility criteria and provide proof of work contracts, but it is not clear how it differs from other visitor visas for nationals of those countries, CNA wrote. The NDC last year said that it hoped to attract 100,000 “digital nomads,” according to the report. Interest in working remotely from abroad has significantly increased in recent years following improvements in