In the eyes of most people, especially residents in southern Taiwan, the changes in President Ma Ying-jeou’s (馬英九) attitude after he was elected president is the source of most criticism.
Before the presidential election, Ma’s visits to the south gave residents new hope, which helped him win by a landslide. However, since he was elected, he has not shown any concern for southerners.
Many media outlets are surprised at the south’s seemingly blind support for former president Chen Shui-bian (陳水扁). But when we look at how Chen treated residents in the south compared with the way Ma treats them, it is easy to understand why.
With so many southern voters losing their trust in Ma, it is natural for them to compare him to his predecessor. Since Ma cannot replace Chen in their eyes, how can we criticize this attitude?
Ma seems to be drifting further away from southern voters. He has not only failed to show concern for residents in the south, but also ignored issues raised by local politicians. All of this has disappointed many of his supporters.
We can see this change in the way many Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) or independent candidates tried their best to associate themselves with Ma during the legislative elections, but have now started distancing themselves from him. If Ma continues on this path, the political landscape that has been so difficult to put together may gradually fall apart.
Moreover, while Ma took the initiative to get closer to people in the south prior to the presidential election, he doesn’t give them any chance to voice their concerns now.
To address these discrepancies and changes in Ma’s attitude, southerners have taken to the streets and plan many more street protests in Taipei — all of which are meant to pressure Ma into listening to them.
We feel sad about this state of affairs. After all, this is not only a matter of political interest, but also a reflection of overall public disapproval. The problem of ineffective politicians can be solved, but we have yet to see any sincere effort on the government’s part to change.
It is true that Ma’s approval ratings have slipped and that he has tried to regain public support by proposing many measures, including a government plan to issue consumer vouchers to every citizen and a policy to reduce unemployment. However, if he had visited the south in person more frequently, he might not have had such a hard time.
Even if Chen is accused of corruption, many people continue to support him. On the other hand, even though Ma works hard to govern the country, his approval ratings are falling. Does Ma understand the reason for this?
Li Kuan-long is a lecturer at Shih Chien University in Kaohsiung.
TRANSLATED BY TED YANG
Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus whip Fu Kun-chi (傅?萁) has caused havoc with his attempts to overturn the democratic and constitutional order in the legislature. If we look at this devolution from the context of a transition to democracy from authoritarianism in a culturally Chinese sense — that of zhonghua (中華) — then we are playing witness to a servile spirit from a millennia-old form of totalitarianism that is intent on damaging the nation’s hard-won democracy. This servile spirit is ingrained in Chinese culture. About a century ago, Chinese satirist and author Lu Xun (魯迅) saw through the servile nature of
In their New York Times bestseller How Democracies Die, Harvard political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt said that democracies today “may die at the hands not of generals but of elected leaders. Many government efforts to subvert democracy are ‘legal,’ in the sense that they are approved by the legislature or accepted by the courts. They may even be portrayed as efforts to improve democracy — making the judiciary more efficient, combating corruption, or cleaning up the electoral process.” Moreover, the two authors observe that those who denounce such legal threats to democracy are often “dismissed as exaggerating or
Monday was the 37th anniversary of former president Chiang Ching-kuo’s (蔣經國) death. Chiang — a son of former president Chiang Kai-shek (蔣介石), who had implemented party-state rule and martial law in Taiwan — has a complicated legacy. Whether one looks at his time in power in a positive or negative light depends very much on who they are, and what their relationship with the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) is. Although toward the end of his life Chiang Ching-kuo lifted martial law and steered Taiwan onto the path of democratization, these changes were forced upon him by internal and external pressures,
The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus in the Legislative Yuan has made an internal decision to freeze NT$1.8 billion (US$54.7 million) of the indigenous submarine project’s NT$2 billion budget. This means that up to 90 percent of the budget cannot be utilized. It would only be accessible if the legislature agrees to lift the freeze sometime in the future. However, for Taiwan to construct its own submarines, it must rely on foreign support for several key pieces of equipment and technology. These foreign supporters would also be forced to endure significant pressure, infiltration and influence from Beijing. In other words,
RSS