Wrong track to sovereignty
Many Taiwan supporters like Michelle Wang (“Lesson 1: Which one is our country?” Oct. 24, page 8) continue to believe that drafting a new constitution will help Taiwan on the road to normalization and boost international recognition for the Taiwanese republic. However, the burning issue of non-recognition of Taiwan is the diplomatic centerpiece of the Shanghai Communique and “one China” policy, which remains the political bane of Taiwan supporters.
The general consensus is the Republic of China (ROC) is nothing more than a Chinese government-in-exile and the ROC on Taiwan has been a putative state of the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) on Taiwan since 1949. If we treat the ROC in this manner, then we can see how international non-recognition factors into the Taiwan dilemma.
But how can anyone support the ROC on Taiwan as a proxy for the Taiwanese republic? That is a political conflict of interest and does not allow for the impartial prosecution of the KMT for war crimes under the San Francisco Peace Treaty. This co-opts the pan-greens and cannot be supported in the interest of bringing justice to the people of Taiwan.
We must hold the KMT accountable for 1947’s atrocities and its stolen assets must be brought under the treaty’s judicial process of redress. The pursuit of justice under the San Francisco treaty can lead to the legal extinction of the exiled ROC on Taiwan without disrupting the current “one China” status quo.
Popular sovereignty is an overextension of the ROC putative state and entirely ignores the treaty. The ROC constitutes a secret codeword for the Taiwan republic in the pan-green camp, but Retrocession Day is a fraudulent conveyance of Taiwan’s territory.
Territorial sovereignty for Taiwan is only derived from a treaty. The organic law of Taiwan’s cession should be rewritten in accordance with US military government regulations that can legally transform the “governing authorities” from the ROC martial law era into a true “civil government” in the post-1952 period.
By closely following the treaty’s regulations and supporting the rule of law, we could ultimately see the KMT held fully accountable for its actions. Japanese decolonialization is an ongoing process and it remains incomplete, but removing the ROC governing apparatus is a perk of the treaty’s redress. This is just the beginning of the end.
Jeff Geer
Olympia, Washington
Pro-Nationalistic?
Don’t you think that the pro-Taiwanese effort should be termed “pro-Nationalistic?” (This should not be confused with “pro-Nationalists” or “pro-KMT” sentiment). The term “pro-localization” seems to lower the status of Taiwan to a “local” entity rather than a “national” one.
E. Gene Deune,
Baltimore, Maryland
Monday was the 37th anniversary of former president Chiang Ching-kuo’s (蔣經國) death. Chiang — a son of former president Chiang Kai-shek (蔣介石), who had implemented party-state rule and martial law in Taiwan — has a complicated legacy. Whether one looks at his time in power in a positive or negative light depends very much on who they are, and what their relationship with the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) is. Although toward the end of his life Chiang Ching-kuo lifted martial law and steered Taiwan onto the path of democratization, these changes were forced upon him by internal and external pressures,
Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus whip Fu Kun-chi (傅?萁) has caused havoc with his attempts to overturn the democratic and constitutional order in the legislature. If we look at this devolution from the context of a transition to democracy from authoritarianism in a culturally Chinese sense — that of zhonghua (中華) — then we are playing witness to a servile spirit from a millennia-old form of totalitarianism that is intent on damaging the nation’s hard-won democracy. This servile spirit is ingrained in Chinese culture. About a century ago, Chinese satirist and author Lu Xun (魯迅) saw through the servile nature of
In their New York Times bestseller How Democracies Die, Harvard political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt said that democracies today “may die at the hands not of generals but of elected leaders. Many government efforts to subvert democracy are ‘legal,’ in the sense that they are approved by the legislature or accepted by the courts. They may even be portrayed as efforts to improve democracy — making the judiciary more efficient, combating corruption, or cleaning up the electoral process.” Moreover, the two authors observe that those who denounce such legal threats to democracy are often “dismissed as exaggerating or
Taiwan People’s Party (TPP) Acting Chairman Huang Kuo-chang (黃國昌) has formally announced his intention to stand for permanent party chairman. He has decided that he is the right person to steer the fledgling third force in Taiwan’s politics through the challenges it would certainly face in the post-Ko Wen-je (柯文哲) era, rather than serve in a caretaker role while the party finds a more suitable candidate. Huang is sure to secure the position. He is almost certainly not the right man for the job. Ko not only founded the party, he forged it into a one-man political force, with himself