Today, the UN estimates that 77 million people — more than 1 percent of the world’s population — are displaced within their own countries, having been forced to flee their homes by armed conflicts, violence, urbanization, development and natural disasters. This is more than the population of France, the UK or Turkey.
These people are not “refugees,” because they have not crossed an international border, but their experiences are often equally devastating. Today, the number of people who have been internally displaced by conflicts alone is twice that of refugees. With the increasing pattern of internal, rather than international, armed conflicts and the rising regularity of extreme weather events affecting millions of people, internal displacement poses an even greater challenge to future generations.
Uprooted from their homes and livelihoods, and traumatized by the violence or sudden disaster that forced them to flee, the displaced are often thrust into an extremely precarious future with few resources. Think of the 15 million Chinese displaced following the Sichuan earthquake, the more than 2 million Iraqis uprooted within their country’s borders by sectarian and other violence, the 2.4 million displaced in Darfur, or the hundreds of thousands who have fled Mogadishu in the last year.
In the last decade, those displaced by conflicts alone rose from 19 million to 26 million, with millions more displaced by disasters. The plight of these victims long went unrecognized, as governments and the international community alike failed to acknowledge their rights to protection and assistance. In 1998, the UN issued Guiding Principles on Internal Displacement, which sets out these legal rights.
Ten years on, what impact have the principles had on displaced people’s lives? The achievements are notable, if insufficient. We have raised awareness of the plight of the displaced, brought about changes in government policies, and raised billions of dollars to respond to their basic needs. This has helped save countless lives. Humanitarian efforts continue to be strengthened, including through a new rapid funding mechanism, the UN Central Emergency Response Fund.
But for every gain we have made, enormous difficulties still remain. The number of those displaced by natural disasters is rising, as the adverse effects of climate change continue to mount. Nine of every ten recorded disasters are now climate-related. As many as 50 million people around the world are estimated to be displaced each year by floods, hurricanes, tsunamis, earthquakes and landslides.
However sudden the initial displacement, the impact can last for generations, together with a long-term need for clean water, shelter, health care and other basic services, as victims of Hurricane Mitch in Central America in 1998 know from bitter experience. Nor are rich countries immune. Two years after Hurricane Katrina, thousands of people remain in temporary shelters.
Moreover, violent armed groups, be they government-supported militias or rebel movements, increasingly embrace terror as a tactic to force civilians from their homes, as seen in the Democratic Republic of Congo, Somalia, Iraq and elsewhere. Millions of people remain impoverished, face discrimination and suffer long-lasting trauma even after the guns fall silent. Life in camps is demoralizing and ultimately dehumanizing. The world rightly focuses on the tragedy in Darfur, but overlooks another 4 million Sudanese still displaced as a result of the north-south conflict, many of whom continue to live in terrible poverty in Khartoum slums or in makeshift camps across the country, with little opportunity to rebuild their lives.
We must prevent displacement from occurring. On the preventive front, countless lives can be saved by simple actions such as flood-proofing coastlines, or strengthening earthquake codes for hospitals and schools. Countries like Bangladesh and Mozambique have proven that disaster risk reduction and preparedness can be a life-saving investment.
In conflict situations, preventing displacement primarily requires political will. Those who forcibly displace civilians in violation of international law must be held accountable in order to deter others in the future. States that are not involved in the conflict are also required to uphold the rights of the displaced, including the right to return to their homes wherever possible, and this must be addressed in peace agreements and enforced in peacekeeping mandates.
So here’s the bottom line: Conflicts will continue and natural disasters are growing in frequency and intensity. Addressing the root causes and reducing the impact of displacement should start by heeding victims’ voices — their needs and wishes must be understood and their rights respected.
The international community can help. But national authorities must lead. Ten years after the guiding principles were signed, the time for excuses and inaction has run out.
John Holmes is the UN under secretary-general for humanitarian affairs and emergency relief coordinator.
COPYRIGHT: PROJECT SYNDICATE
Whether in terms of market commonality or resource similarity, South Korea’s Samsung Electronics Co is the biggest competitor of Taiwan Semiconductor Manufacturing Co (TSMC). The two companies have agreed to set up factories in the US and are also recipients of subsidies from the US CHIPS and Science Act, which was signed into law by former US president Joe Biden. However, changes in the market competitiveness of the two companies clearly reveal the context behind TSMC’s investments in the US. As US semiconductor giant Intel Corp has faced continuous delays developing its advanced processes, the world’s two major wafer foundries, TSMC and
The first Donald Trump term was a boon for Taiwan. The administration regularized the arms sales process and enhanced bilateral ties. Taipei will not be so fortunate the second time around. Given recent events, Taiwan must proceed with the assumption that it cannot count on the United States to defend it — diplomatically or militarily — during the next four years. Early indications suggested otherwise. The nomination of Marco Rubio as US Secretary of State and the appointment of Mike Waltz as the national security advisor, both of whom have expressed full-throated support for Taiwan in the past, raised hopes that
Authorities last week revoked the residency permit of a Chinese social media influencer surnamed Liu (劉), better known by her online channel name Yaya in Taiwan (亞亞在台灣), who has more than 440,000 followers online and is living in Taiwan with a marriage-based residency permit, for her “reunification by force” comments. She was asked to leave the country in 10 days. The National Immigration Agency (NIA) on Tuesday last week announced the decision, citing the influencer’s several controversial public comments, including saying that “China does not need any other reason to reunify Taiwan with force” and “why is it [China] hesitant
We are witnessing a sea change in the government’s approach to China, from one of reasonable, low-key reluctance at rocking the boat to a collapse of pretense over and patience in Beijing’s willful intransigence. Finally, we are seeing a more common sense approach in the face of active shows of hostility from a foreign power. According to Article 2 of the 2020 Anti-Infiltration Act (反滲透法), a “foreign hostile force” is defined as “countries, political entities or groups that are at war with or are engaged in a military standoff with the Republic of China [ROC]. The same stipulation applies to