The main purpose of the planned visit by Association for Relations Across the Taiwan Strait (ARATS) Chairman Chen Yunlin (陳雲林) is to push China’s united front strategy, one of three key tactics used by Mao Zedong (毛澤東) during the Chinese revolution. Before Chen’s predecessor Wang Daohan (汪道涵) was scheduled to visit Taiwan in 1999, then-president Lee Teng-hui (李登輝) proposed his “special state-to-state” policy to forge a stronger national consciousness and prevent the nation’s sovereignty from being compromised.
Of course, Chen will not admit to pushing the united front strategy and he has proposed discussing cross-strait cargo flights to disguise the purpose of his visit. This proposal was based on a consensus between the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) and the Chinese Communist Party (CCP).
However, the issue of cargo flights, which had already been agreed on by the previous government, was ignored by high-level KMT officials during the last round of cross-strait talks. They did so to allow the CCP to use the issue as a “gift” to Taiwan when Chen visits.
What lies behind China’s alleged goodwill? This is the fundamental question that Taiwan must ask itself. Former Mainland Affairs Council chairman Chen Ming-tong (陳明通) said that based on Beijing’s strategy toward Taiwan, Chen Yunlin will bring up highly political issues with the intention of pushing Taiwan into China’s unification framework or even transforming the meeting into preliminary talks on unification.
The government must be cautious. Chen Ming-tong’s warning is not a false alarm: The delivery of two pandas, which were originally scheduled to arrive together with Chen Yunlin, has now been canceled. China did not want to cause an unnecessary dispute over the pandas.
The government can use the tainted milk powder scandal to counteract Chen Yunlin’s united-front tactics. Since the toxic milk powder affected individuals and enterprises across the political spectrum in Taiwan, the government can use the incident to mobilize public opinion against Chen Yunlin and the CCP. Moreover, food safety is closely related to national security. Without sovereignty, food safety and the health and well-being of Taiwanese will be jeopardized. Regardless of whether we advocate Taiwanese independence or recognize the Republic of China, there is one constant — anti-unification.
The Taiwanese public now has a rare opportunity to unite and fight the CCP. The protests against President Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九) on Ketagalan Boulevard were distorted by some people into a malicious political battle between pan-blue and pan-green supporters, and the police even got involved. However, if a similar march had been organized to protest against the CCP in the name of national sovereignty, would Ma dare dispatch policemen to arrest participants? If he did, he would reveal his true colors. But if he didn’t, he would certainly displease his CCP “bosses.” This would ultimately put Ma in a position where he would have to choose between Taiwan and the CCP.
Ma’s moves to sell out Taiwan are out of control. He has even rejected the legislature’s right to supervise the process. Both pan-blue and pan-green supporters should take advantage of Chen Yunlin’s visit to safeguard Taiwan’s sovereignty in an unprecedented show of unity.
We cannot expect the pan-blue camp to organize this campaign, so the responsibility must lie with the pan-green camp. Pan-green parties and groups should work together and integrate their limited financial and human resources to set up campaign goals. They cannot just organize campaigns against Ma.
Paul Lin is a political commentator.
TRANSLATED BY TED YANG
Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus whip Fu Kun-chi (傅?萁) has caused havoc with his attempts to overturn the democratic and constitutional order in the legislature. If we look at this devolution from the context of a transition to democracy from authoritarianism in a culturally Chinese sense — that of zhonghua (中華) — then we are playing witness to a servile spirit from a millennia-old form of totalitarianism that is intent on damaging the nation’s hard-won democracy. This servile spirit is ingrained in Chinese culture. About a century ago, Chinese satirist and author Lu Xun (魯迅) saw through the servile nature of
In their New York Times bestseller How Democracies Die, Harvard political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt said that democracies today “may die at the hands not of generals but of elected leaders. Many government efforts to subvert democracy are ‘legal,’ in the sense that they are approved by the legislature or accepted by the courts. They may even be portrayed as efforts to improve democracy — making the judiciary more efficient, combating corruption, or cleaning up the electoral process.” Moreover, the two authors observe that those who denounce such legal threats to democracy are often “dismissed as exaggerating or
Monday was the 37th anniversary of former president Chiang Ching-kuo’s (蔣經國) death. Chiang — a son of former president Chiang Kai-shek (蔣介石), who had implemented party-state rule and martial law in Taiwan — has a complicated legacy. Whether one looks at his time in power in a positive or negative light depends very much on who they are, and what their relationship with the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) is. Although toward the end of his life Chiang Ching-kuo lifted martial law and steered Taiwan onto the path of democratization, these changes were forced upon him by internal and external pressures,
The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus in the Legislative Yuan has made an internal decision to freeze NT$1.8 billion (US$54.7 million) of the indigenous submarine project’s NT$2 billion budget. This means that up to 90 percent of the budget cannot be utilized. It would only be accessible if the legislature agrees to lift the freeze sometime in the future. However, for Taiwan to construct its own submarines, it must rely on foreign support for several key pieces of equipment and technology. These foreign supporters would also be forced to endure significant pressure, infiltration and influence from Beijing. In other words,
RSS