After a lackluster presidential campaign that wasted far too much breath on non-issues like the status of President Ma Ying-jeou’s (馬英九) green card, serious damage was done to the reputation of the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP).
Add to this the eruption of money-laundering allegations against the party’s single most influential figure, former president Chen Shui-bian (陳水扁), who withdrew from the DPP last month, and things look even bleaker than after the party’s humiliation at January’s legislative polls.
Key to the party’s recovery will be the strength of new voices, which must present the face of a maturing DPP. That will require not only demonstrating a commitment to discussing reform, but showcasing concrete changes.
Unfortunately, the DPP has little to show for all its talk on overcoming its weaknesses. With nominations for the next round of local government elections already being discussed, the DPP must shift into action or it will have a tough case to make for its candidates next year.
But there is plenty of fodder for successful campaigning.
Investors and economic analysts are largely unimpressed with the Ma administration’s handling of the economy, while the public has seen no indication that Ma’s policies on China will have a positive impact on their living standards.
In addition, allegations of corruption and misuse of funds have called into question the actions of local chiefs such as Taitung County Commissioner Kuang Li-chen (鄺麗貞) and Taipei County Commissioner Chou Hsi-wei (周錫瑋) of the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT). Kuang sparked an outcry by continuing with an overseas trip as a typhoon approached her county — criticism that stirred up its own storm as questions grew about her use of taxpayers’ money. Chou, meanwhile, is busy fending off allegations that his office accepted bribes from a parking lot company.
If the DPP hopes to offer strong alternatives in the next legislative and presidential polls, it must begin in next year’s local elections by offering real alternatives to the same shady politics that has long frustrated the public.
For this reason, it was disappointing to hear on Monday that DPP Chairwoman Tsai Ing-wen (蔡英文) will likely not run against Chou for the Taipei County commissionership. The increasingly popular chairwoman has repeatedly expressed her intentions to shake up the party and has dealt well with the scandal surrounding Chen, but the public is still waiting to see her take a more aggressive role in reshaping her party. Tsai must indicate that she is more than the new face of DPP public relations.
Taipei County, meanwhile, deserves a county commissioner with its best interests in mind — one who does not blur the lines of legality and illegality, as Chou has expressed a willingness to do to see through the construction of the Tanbei Expressway.
The elections for county commissioner may seem far on the horizon, but for the DPP there is no time for licking wounds. If the party has learned anything from adversity, now is the time to start making its case. Ma’s administration has certainly offered enough bungling for it to capitalize on.
Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus whip Fu Kun-chi (傅?萁) has caused havoc with his attempts to overturn the democratic and constitutional order in the legislature. If we look at this devolution from the context of a transition to democracy from authoritarianism in a culturally Chinese sense — that of zhonghua (中華) — then we are playing witness to a servile spirit from a millennia-old form of totalitarianism that is intent on damaging the nation’s hard-won democracy. This servile spirit is ingrained in Chinese culture. About a century ago, Chinese satirist and author Lu Xun (魯迅) saw through the servile nature of
In their New York Times bestseller How Democracies Die, Harvard political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt said that democracies today “may die at the hands not of generals but of elected leaders. Many government efforts to subvert democracy are ‘legal,’ in the sense that they are approved by the legislature or accepted by the courts. They may even be portrayed as efforts to improve democracy — making the judiciary more efficient, combating corruption, or cleaning up the electoral process.” Moreover, the two authors observe that those who denounce such legal threats to democracy are often “dismissed as exaggerating or
Monday was the 37th anniversary of former president Chiang Ching-kuo’s (蔣經國) death. Chiang — a son of former president Chiang Kai-shek (蔣介石), who had implemented party-state rule and martial law in Taiwan — has a complicated legacy. Whether one looks at his time in power in a positive or negative light depends very much on who they are, and what their relationship with the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) is. Although toward the end of his life Chiang Ching-kuo lifted martial law and steered Taiwan onto the path of democratization, these changes were forced upon him by internal and external pressures,
The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus in the Legislative Yuan has made an internal decision to freeze NT$1.8 billion (US$54.7 million) of the indigenous submarine project’s NT$2 billion budget. This means that up to 90 percent of the budget cannot be utilized. It would only be accessible if the legislature agrees to lift the freeze sometime in the future. However, for Taiwan to construct its own submarines, it must rely on foreign support for several key pieces of equipment and technology. These foreign supporters would also be forced to endure significant pressure, infiltration and influence from Beijing. In other words,
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