Cautious optimism is the appropriate response to the US Republican party sharpening its rhetoric in support of Taiwan as part of its presidential campaign.
For Taiwanese who watch US politics, optimism is a precious and fleeting commodity. Not so long ago, it was sensible to assume that the US military intervention in Iraq — and to a lesser extent Afghanistan — would become so repulsive for voting Americans that the proposal to support a small country such as Taiwan against the designs of the Chinese juggernaut in the event of conflict would be laughable.
Adding to the gloom for pro-democracy Taiwanese was the swift retreat by US President George W. Bush, whose early, provocative comments supporting Taiwan gave way to the unenlightened China appeasement that defines the modus vivendi of the Department of State and much of US academia.
Today things are a little different. In the era of President Hu Jintao (胡錦濤), China has offered little in the way of political reform, which surprises no one. But Beijing has found that its increasing economic power is beginning to unnerve even its supporters in other administrations — sometimes to become the whipping boy of politicians looking for a sound bite, as Democratic senators Barack Obama and Hillary Clinton vividly demonstrated a few months ago.
When China irritates people and governments, Taiwan gains. This is because the threat that Taiwan faces turns into a thing that others can appreciate — if only for a moment — in practical terms.
Now, by upping the ante on the political currency of cross-strait conflict, the camp of the Republicans’ presumptive candidate, Senator John McCain, is asking Americans to think carefully about what China is and what it could do, and why Taiwan is inseparable from this issue. The message is abrupt and not without risk, but it is safe to say that the Democrats will respond not by defending China but plugging presidential candidate Obama’s credentials to defend US interests should China become too obnoxious.
Obama’s running partner, Senator Joseph Biden, has traditionally run a line that promotes China and — at best — sidelines Taiwan. In this regard, his point of view is remarkably similar to the ideological basis of the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT). How this might affect an Obama administration is unclear, though the record to date of Obama’s future advisers on cross-strait matters is disturbing.
Either way, Taiwan and China are developing into a potential wedge issue for the Democrats. For Taiwan, this is not necessarily a good thing because the issue is not crucial to the vote, and because the tenor and content of the debate is completely outside Taiwan’s control. And even if Taipei could do something to tilt public sentiment in the US, it is unlikely that President Ma Ying-jeou’s (馬英九) administration would have the intelligence and ability to seize the initiative.
In his acceptance speech at the Democratic National Convention on Thursday, Obama warned that the US must learn to face the threats of the future and not be distracted by the mistakes of the past. Obama’s “threats” tend not to be states but extremism, environmental concerns and economic vulnerabilities, yet all of these concerns have a Chinese link.
With luck, the Republicans’ move to turn this into a point of debate will allow more truths about China, Taiwan and their stateside supporters to be aired before the next president takes his post.
Why is Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平) not a “happy camper” these days regarding Taiwan? Taiwanese have not become more “CCP friendly” in response to the Chinese Communist Party’s (CCP) use of spies and graft by the United Front Work Department, intimidation conducted by the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) and the Armed Police/Coast Guard, and endless subversive political warfare measures, including cyber-attacks, economic coercion, and diplomatic isolation. The percentage of Taiwanese that prefer the status quo or prefer moving towards independence continues to rise — 76 percent as of December last year. According to National Chengchi University (NCCU) polling, the Taiwanese
It would be absurd to claim to see a silver lining behind every US President Donald Trump cloud. Those clouds are too many, too dark and too dangerous. All the same, viewed from a domestic political perspective, there is a clear emerging UK upside to Trump’s efforts at crashing the post-Cold War order. It might even get a boost from Thursday’s Washington visit by British Prime Minister Keir Starmer. In July last year, when Starmer became prime minister, the Labour Party was rigidly on the defensive about Europe. Brexit was seen as an electorally unstable issue for a party whose priority
US President Donald Trump is systematically dismantling the network of multilateral institutions, organizations and agreements that have helped prevent a third world war for more than 70 years. Yet many governments are twisting themselves into knots trying to downplay his actions, insisting that things are not as they seem and that even if they are, confronting the menace in the White House simply is not an option. Disagreement must be carefully disguised to avoid provoking his wrath. For the British political establishment, the convenient excuse is the need to preserve the UK’s “special relationship” with the US. Following their White House
US President Donald Trump’s return to the White House has brought renewed scrutiny to the Taiwan-US semiconductor relationship with his claim that Taiwan “stole” the US chip business and threats of 100 percent tariffs on foreign-made processors. For Taiwanese and industry leaders, understanding those developments in their full context is crucial while maintaining a clear vision of Taiwan’s role in the global technology ecosystem. The assertion that Taiwan “stole” the US’ semiconductor industry fundamentally misunderstands the evolution of global technology manufacturing. Over the past four decades, Taiwan’s semiconductor industry, led by Taiwan Semiconductor Manufacturing Co (TSMC), has grown through legitimate means