The opening of the Beijing Olympics is only a few days away and China has already tried to deter its staunchest critics by creating an atmosphere of terror, arresting and shooting dissidents as if Beijing were under martial law.
Media reports say the Chinese government is staging a “people’s war” on terror. Apart from the 100,000-strong anti-terrorist army, 1.4 million anti-terrorist volunteers, 200,000 troops and three armed services are safeguarding the games. The most advanced SU-27 jet fighters have been deployed around the National Stadium.
The scale of the deployment exceeds the deployment for the 1989 Tiananmen Square Massacre. Many armed police with submachine guns are appearing in the streets, questioning and examining passersby. Some Beijing residents have said that a number of scientific research organizations have had to vacate their premises so they can be used as temporary dormitories for the armed police. Are these deployments also aimed at preventing a possible coup d’etat?
Traffic in and out of Beijing is also strictly controlled, isolating the city. All vehicles entering the city need to undergo safety checks. A vehicle packed with passengers is turned back if a single passenger does not have ID documents. Subway passengers also undergo such scrutiny.
On the opening day of the Games on Friday, there will be no flights over Beijing, or even balloons. For the convenience of the Olympic participants, the areas around Beijing Capital International Airport and Beijing Railway Station will be closed during opening week, while two layers of wire netting surround the Olympic Village as if it were a prison.
The media are also tightly controlled. On July 24, the Chinese-language tabloid Beijing News published an interview with a Hong Kong-born US photographer, who took a picture of casualties being rushed to a hospital on the back of a tricycle during the Tiananmen Massacre. Beijing immediately ordered the paper yanked from stalls and the report cut from its Web site, calling the article premeditation.
On July 25, some Hong Kong reporters and photographers were strong-armed by police while covering the uproar among people who wanted to buy tickets for the Games. Over the past two weeks, at least four groups of Hong Kong reporters have been treated brutally. The Beijing Organizing Committee for the Games asked the reporters to follow police instructions.
Beijing has also banned the public from filing complaints during the Games, along with bans on prostitution and eating dog meat. It has even required that top-level managers of financial funds leave before the Games. On July 24, China Securities Regulatory Commission issued a notice to all fund operators, ordering them not to comment on the stock market in public to avoid market fluctuation. Why doesn’t Beijing simply close the market?
To promote etiquette among its residents, Beijing first told them that they were not allowed to discuss political or religious issues; now they are prohibited from talking about salaries, sex or health issues such as those related to pollution.
On the surface, Beijing is well protected. However, violent protests have occured from Guizhou and Yunnan provinces to Shanghai. Even Uighurs have reportedly threatened Beijing. Can Beijing really polish up its image before the Games start?
“One world, one dream” is the slogan for the games. But should Taiwan and the world lower themselves to China’s level? Due to the high costs of the Games and low incomes of the Chinese, the government has already held a meeting to call on the public to be prepared for danger amid the calm. What calm?
Paul Lin is a political commentator.
Translated by Eddy Chang
Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus whip Fu Kun-chi (傅?萁) has caused havoc with his attempts to overturn the democratic and constitutional order in the legislature. If we look at this devolution from the context of a transition to democracy from authoritarianism in a culturally Chinese sense — that of zhonghua (中華) — then we are playing witness to a servile spirit from a millennia-old form of totalitarianism that is intent on damaging the nation’s hard-won democracy. This servile spirit is ingrained in Chinese culture. About a century ago, Chinese satirist and author Lu Xun (魯迅) saw through the servile nature of
In their New York Times bestseller How Democracies Die, Harvard political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt said that democracies today “may die at the hands not of generals but of elected leaders. Many government efforts to subvert democracy are ‘legal,’ in the sense that they are approved by the legislature or accepted by the courts. They may even be portrayed as efforts to improve democracy — making the judiciary more efficient, combating corruption, or cleaning up the electoral process.” Moreover, the two authors observe that those who denounce such legal threats to democracy are often “dismissed as exaggerating or
Monday was the 37th anniversary of former president Chiang Ching-kuo’s (蔣經國) death. Chiang — a son of former president Chiang Kai-shek (蔣介石), who had implemented party-state rule and martial law in Taiwan — has a complicated legacy. Whether one looks at his time in power in a positive or negative light depends very much on who they are, and what their relationship with the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) is. Although toward the end of his life Chiang Ching-kuo lifted martial law and steered Taiwan onto the path of democratization, these changes were forced upon him by internal and external pressures,
The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus in the Legislative Yuan has made an internal decision to freeze NT$1.8 billion (US$54.7 million) of the indigenous submarine project’s NT$2 billion budget. This means that up to 90 percent of the budget cannot be utilized. It would only be accessible if the legislature agrees to lift the freeze sometime in the future. However, for Taiwan to construct its own submarines, it must rely on foreign support for several key pieces of equipment and technology. These foreign supporters would also be forced to endure significant pressure, infiltration and influence from Beijing. In other words,