Taiwan’s second transfer of power in the democratic era represents a deepening of democracy, but the implications will be severe if the new government cannot properly handle cross-strait relations.
If the government instead relies on China economically and curries favor with it in political terms, then this would allow the dictatorial Chinese system to eat away at and finally swallow the Taiwanese polity.
President Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九) reaffirmed his stance of “no unification, no independence and no war” in his inaugural speech on May 20, calling upon the two sides to pursue reconciliation and peace in cross-strait and international contexts.
The most important part of this three-part slogan is “no unification.”
Refusing unification with China is the mainstream position of Taiwanese people, and Ma was elected partly thanks to his “no unification” stance. But let’s not forget that unification has always been Beijing’s goal. Taiwan’s security can hardly be safeguarded if China does not endorse Ma’s policy.
Ma has vowed to sign a peace agreement with China if it promises not to use force, though whether it can really be trusted not to do so is another matter entirely. Meanwhile, Beijing has made no commitment to unification without force.
China’s United Front work aims to assimilate targets into the Chinese Communist Party’s (CCP) viewpoint and ideals, and Taiwan is its most important target. Taiwanese politicians and the general public should at least be aware of and prepared for this to protect their sovereignty and safety when dealing with China.
As for the CCP’s exercise of United Front tactics, there is a brief exposition of such reasoning in an essay written by Mao Zedong (毛澤東) in 1940 entitled “On Policy” in the second volume of the Selected Works of Mao Zedong.
Mao wrote: “Our policy is to make use of contradictions, win over the many, oppose the few and crush our enemies one by one.”
Taiwan should therefore minimize its “contradictions” so that China cannot take advantage of them. Unfortunately, not only is Taiwan rife with contradictions, it is also allowing China to take advantage of them thanks to the liberal characteristics of its democratic system and human weakness.
The most serious contradiction is the gulf between the pan-blue and pan-green camps. Each camp also has internal contradictions.
After the pan-green camp’s defeat in the January legislative elections, Chinese President Hu Jintao (胡錦濤) extended an olive branch. Since Ma was elected president, the CCP has also been capitalizing on contradictions between the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) and the new executive.
Perhaps the CCP’s most successful tactic has been to take advantage of former KMT chairman Lien Chan’s (連戰) proposal that the CCP and the KMT join hands to oppose Taiwanese independence. For their part, the communists will continue to manipulate the Lien family until its usefulness is worn out.
Beijing’s invitation to KMT Chairman Wu Poh-hsiung (吳伯雄) to visit China is its latest tactic, and has the following effects. It tells Taiwanese that the KMT and the CCP are “equal” but that the governments of the People’s Republic of China and the Republic of China on Taiwan are not.
It elevates the status of the KMT as a party in the Chinese party-state mindset to demonstrate to Taiwan how Beijing can curtail Ma.
In cooperating with the KMT, the purpose of these measures is to corrode Taiwan’s sovereignty and diminish the status of the Taiwanese government.
In light of Lien and Wu’s power and the China connection, will Ma be able to rule independently and autonomously?
In examining Taiwan’s future domestic clashes, we cannot afford to ignore China’s United Front activities that exert influence behind the scenes.
How will the CCP go about winning the support of a majority of Taiwanese? It will offer benefits to those who team up with it in the fight against the minority.
The CCP is therefore likely to extend to Ma a certain number of favors in exchange for a greater benefit: unification.
But the CCP’s eventual goal is to defeat all its enemies, one by one, so anyone who benefits in the short term should not celebrate too soon.
Likewise, Taiwan’s politicians and businesspeople operating in China should be on their guard.
Paul Lin is a political commentator based in Taiwan.
TRANSLATED BY EDDY CHANG
In their New York Times bestseller How Democracies Die, Harvard political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt said that democracies today “may die at the hands not of generals but of elected leaders. Many government efforts to subvert democracy are ‘legal,’ in the sense that they are approved by the legislature or accepted by the courts. They may even be portrayed as efforts to improve democracy — making the judiciary more efficient, combating corruption, or cleaning up the electoral process.” Moreover, the two authors observe that those who denounce such legal threats to democracy are often “dismissed as exaggerating or
The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus in the Legislative Yuan has made an internal decision to freeze NT$1.8 billion (US$54.7 million) of the indigenous submarine project’s NT$2 billion budget. This means that up to 90 percent of the budget cannot be utilized. It would only be accessible if the legislature agrees to lift the freeze sometime in the future. However, for Taiwan to construct its own submarines, it must rely on foreign support for several key pieces of equipment and technology. These foreign supporters would also be forced to endure significant pressure, infiltration and influence from Beijing. In other words,
“I compare the Communist Party to my mother,” sings a student at a boarding school in a Tibetan region of China’s Qinghai province. “If faith has a color,” others at a different school sing, “it would surely be Chinese red.” In a major story for the New York Times this month, Chris Buckley wrote about the forced placement of hundreds of thousands of Tibetan children in boarding schools, where many suffer physical and psychological abuse. Separating these children from their families, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) aims to substitute itself for their parents and for their religion. Buckley’s reporting is
Last week, the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) and the Taiwan People’s Party (TPP), together holding more than half of the legislative seats, cut about NT$94 billion (US$2.85 billion) from the yearly budget. The cuts include 60 percent of the government’s advertising budget, 10 percent of administrative expenses, 3 percent of the military budget, and 60 percent of the international travel, overseas education and training allowances. In addition, the two parties have proposed freezing the budgets of many ministries and departments, including NT$1.8 billion from the Ministry of National Defense’s Indigenous Defense Submarine program — 90 percent of the program’s proposed