The Presidential Office’s statement on Wednesday that President Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九) was not involved in the decision to allow construction of the 23-story I Pin Building (一品苑) in the Boai Special District (博愛特區) when he was Taipei mayor should come as no surprise.
The exoneration of Ma over actions deemed to have jeopardized his security now that he is president is just the latest example of his avoiding responsibility for anything controversial or potentially embarrassing that occurred on his watch.
Other examples include the infamous NT$1 billion (US$30 million) Maokong Gondola mess, which has been closed for more than a year since mudslides made it unsafe. Contractors and low-level engineers took the blame at the time, even though it was top-level maneuvering that resulted in the project avoiding an environmental impact assessment.
Ma also escaped censure in February when the China Chemical and Pharmaceutical Co was fined after failing to declare a conflict of interest when it signed a lucrative deal to supply drugs to Taipei City hospitals in 1998. At the time, Ma was mayor and one of his sisters was the company’s deputy manager.
A complete list of such incidents is too long to list here, but they span Ma’s tenure as mayor and continue into his presidency.
The most recent example came in August, when Typhoon Morakot exposed the government’s woeful preparations and disaster-response effort. Decisions by Ma and his inner circle arguably exacerbated the suffering and contributed to the death toll, yet it was left to Premier Liu Chao-shiuan (劉兆玄) and a few members of his Cabinet to fall on their collective swords, even as Ma belatedly toured disaster-hit areas apologizing, yet refusing to accept substantial responsibility.
All these examples have a common thread: Others take the heat while Ma remains on his pedestal. But as president, Ma has fewer places to hide. That is why from day one of his presidency he has attempted to highlight that under the Constitution the president is a figurehead and the premier is responsible for the day-to-day running of the country.
While the Constitution may state that the office of president only bears responsibility for cross-strait affairs, national defense and diplomacy, public perception is not dictated by the law and a majority of the public still view the president as the nation’s leader — someone whose job it is to make the big decisions and take the consequences. Ma has to cast off his legal blinkers and understand that. After all, it is the president who chooses the premier and other top officials. If they are not up to the task, then he is responsible.
Former US president Harry Truman famously had a sign on his desk reading: “The buck stops here.” If Ma had such a sign, it would read, “The buck doesn’t belong here.” His previous ironclad popularity has begun to suffer because of this.
If he continues in this vein, Ma may well ensure he leaves office with his self-esteem intact, but the overarching memory for many will be that of a weak president unwilling to face up to the consequences of his actions.
In their New York Times bestseller How Democracies Die, Harvard political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt said that democracies today “may die at the hands not of generals but of elected leaders. Many government efforts to subvert democracy are ‘legal,’ in the sense that they are approved by the legislature or accepted by the courts. They may even be portrayed as efforts to improve democracy — making the judiciary more efficient, combating corruption, or cleaning up the electoral process.” Moreover, the two authors observe that those who denounce such legal threats to democracy are often “dismissed as exaggerating or
The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus in the Legislative Yuan has made an internal decision to freeze NT$1.8 billion (US$54.7 million) of the indigenous submarine project’s NT$2 billion budget. This means that up to 90 percent of the budget cannot be utilized. It would only be accessible if the legislature agrees to lift the freeze sometime in the future. However, for Taiwan to construct its own submarines, it must rely on foreign support for several key pieces of equipment and technology. These foreign supporters would also be forced to endure significant pressure, infiltration and influence from Beijing. In other words,
“I compare the Communist Party to my mother,” sings a student at a boarding school in a Tibetan region of China’s Qinghai province. “If faith has a color,” others at a different school sing, “it would surely be Chinese red.” In a major story for the New York Times this month, Chris Buckley wrote about the forced placement of hundreds of thousands of Tibetan children in boarding schools, where many suffer physical and psychological abuse. Separating these children from their families, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) aims to substitute itself for their parents and for their religion. Buckley’s reporting is
Last week, the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) and the Taiwan People’s Party (TPP), together holding more than half of the legislative seats, cut about NT$94 billion (US$2.85 billion) from the yearly budget. The cuts include 60 percent of the government’s advertising budget, 10 percent of administrative expenses, 3 percent of the military budget, and 60 percent of the international travel, overseas education and training allowances. In addition, the two parties have proposed freezing the budgets of many ministries and departments, including NT$1.8 billion from the Ministry of National Defense’s Indigenous Defense Submarine program — 90 percent of the program’s proposed
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