It was the spectacular creation of a modern utopia: In the heart of a continent, built from scratch with daring architecture and urban planning, arose a city like no other.
Unveiled almost half century ago, Brasilia astonished the world. Brazil's purpose-built capital of perfect grids and avant-garde buildings exuded wonder and optimism, control and beauty.
Then Brazilian president Juscelino Kubitschek hailed a new dawn for his country and the UN designated the city a world heritage site. It was a living, futurist museum.
ILLUSTRATION: MOUNTAIN PEOPLE
As the 50th anniversary approaches, however, the future seems to have ambushed Brasilia. What was supposed to be a shiny citadel with huge attention to detail and organization has in places degraded into a violent, crime-ridden sprawl of cacophonous traffic jams. The real Brazil has spilled into its utopian vision.
That is the bittersweet verdict of Oscar Niemeyer, the legendary architect who designed many of the city's civic monuments and is a keeper of its original flame. In a rare interview, Niemeyer, now 100 and still professionally active, said that his masterpiece was out of control.
"The way Brasilia has evolved, it has problems. It should have stopped growing some time ago. Traffic is becoming more difficult, the number of inhabitants has surpassed the target, limits are being exceeded," he said.
Instead of 500,000 people as planners envisaged, the population has ballooned to 2.2 million, choking infrastructure and, in the rundown outskirts, ushering in scenes of gang violence more commonly associated with the favelas of Rio de Janeiro. Some areas have been nicknamed the baixada federal, invoking the baixada fluminese, Rio's most homicidal region.
Niemeyer, considered by many the world's greatest living architect, defends the city's conception and his designs for landmarks such as the cathedral, national congress and palace of justice.
"There is no other place like Brasilia," he said.
But he lamented the unplanned growth.
"The city should call a halt," he said.
It is an ironic appeal given that Brasilia was built at breakneck speed. The dream of moving the capital from Rio on the Atlantic coast to the center of the country had existed for over a century but Kubitschek pursued it with urgency. Building started in 1956 and the new capital, along with a surrounding area known as the federal district, was inaugurated just 41 months later, in April 1960.
Commercial and residential zones were meticulously demarcated. Cars zipped along wide highways past buildings that projected simplicity and modernity with fine lines and waves.
Less fine were the subsequent waves of migration and lines of jobless people. The population surge aggravated problems of access to healthcare and education.
unemployment
A recent study by the University of Brasilia found that unemployment among the city's youth had jumped from 21 percent in 1992 to around 40 percent in 2003.
Even more dramatic has been the rise in crime, especially on the outskirts.
Plinio Araujo, the mayor of Cidade Ocidental, an impoverished and gritty town in neighboring Goias state, described the suburbs of the federal district as a "pressure cooker" which, if action was not taken, would "explode over the Alvorada Palace," the presidential residence which is the centerpiece of Niemeyer's creation.
More than 100 members of an elite security force were recently dispatched to the outskirts of the federal district and Goias to try to control the violence.
The country was especially shaken by the shooting of Amaury Ribeiro Junior, an investigative journalist from the Estado de Minas newspaper. He had just published a series of articles called "Trafficking, Extermination and Fear," based on undercover work in violent neighborhoods just outside the federal district in Goias.
He had returned to the area to research a follow-up story on sexual violence in the so-called Entorno, an impoverished belt of around 30 towns that flanks Brazil's capital.
A teenager with a 38mm revolver fired three shots at the 44-year-old reporter as he sat in a bar waiting for a contact, hitting him once. It was never clear whether Ribeiro, who survived, was targeted because of his work or if he was the victim or a hold-up gone wrong.
"The place where I was shot is 15km from where the president sits in his palace," Ribeiro said. "It really is like the Wild West; and what shocked me most was that so close to the capital you have such barbarity."
He said the high levels of violence were the result of huge migration to the region and an almost total absence of social services or policing.
"The parents go to work in the capital and their kids are abandoned and end up being co-opted by drug traffickers," he said.
But despite the disappointments, Brasilia's utopian dream is not completely dead. Residents say they never tire of gazing at the city center's sublime, otherworldly architecture. Parents say it remains a better, safer place for children than Rio or Sao Paulo.
And Niemeyer, the man who made the dream concrete, speaks of the city like the proud father of a wayward but cherished offspring. In his Rio studio overlooking Ipanema beach he displays the design of a tower with two viewing platforms which he has been commissioned to build in Brasilia.
He grows animated as he describes it soaring over the skyline, the skyline he built half a lifetime ago and still adores.
"There is no other place like it. It is monumental. The curves of those buildings are those of a beautiful woman," Niemeyer said.
Birth of Brasilia
Plans to construct a new capital in the savannah of Brazil's mid-west began to become reality at a small-town political rally in April 1955. Asked by a voter if Brasilia would ever be built, then presidential candidate Juscelino Kubitschek made the project one of his election pledges. Just over five years later the capital was inaugurated.
Thousands of impoverished workers flocked to Brazil's interior hoping to benefit from the project, which included an estimated 12,900km of highways to link other cities to the new capital.
Brasilia's creators, Oscar Niemeyer and the urban planner Lucio Costa, conceived their project in minuscule detail. Original plans set out the type of taxi to be used and even the color of uniform bus drivers would wear.
Why is Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平) not a “happy camper” these days regarding Taiwan? Taiwanese have not become more “CCP friendly” in response to the Chinese Communist Party’s (CCP) use of spies and graft by the United Front Work Department, intimidation conducted by the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) and the Armed Police/Coast Guard, and endless subversive political warfare measures, including cyber-attacks, economic coercion, and diplomatic isolation. The percentage of Taiwanese that prefer the status quo or prefer moving towards independence continues to rise — 76 percent as of December last year. According to National Chengchi University (NCCU) polling, the Taiwanese
It would be absurd to claim to see a silver lining behind every US President Donald Trump cloud. Those clouds are too many, too dark and too dangerous. All the same, viewed from a domestic political perspective, there is a clear emerging UK upside to Trump’s efforts at crashing the post-Cold War order. It might even get a boost from Thursday’s Washington visit by British Prime Minister Keir Starmer. In July last year, when Starmer became prime minister, the Labour Party was rigidly on the defensive about Europe. Brexit was seen as an electorally unstable issue for a party whose priority
US President Donald Trump’s return to the White House has brought renewed scrutiny to the Taiwan-US semiconductor relationship with his claim that Taiwan “stole” the US chip business and threats of 100 percent tariffs on foreign-made processors. For Taiwanese and industry leaders, understanding those developments in their full context is crucial while maintaining a clear vision of Taiwan’s role in the global technology ecosystem. The assertion that Taiwan “stole” the US’ semiconductor industry fundamentally misunderstands the evolution of global technology manufacturing. Over the past four decades, Taiwan’s semiconductor industry, led by Taiwan Semiconductor Manufacturing Co (TSMC), has grown through legitimate means
Today is Feb. 28, a day that Taiwan associates with two tragic historical memories. The 228 Incident, which started on Feb. 28, 1947, began from protests sparked by a cigarette seizure that took place the day before in front of the Tianma Tea House in Taipei’s Datong District (大同). It turned into a mass movement that spread across Taiwan. Local gentry asked then-governor general Chen Yi (陳儀) to intervene, but he received contradictory orders. In early March, after Chiang Kai-shek (蔣介石) dispatched troops to Keelung, a nationwide massacre took place and lasted until May 16, during which many important intellectuals