China's involvement in Sudan stretches back more than a decade and has snowballed to the extent that it now supplies nearly a quarter of the African country's imports and accounts for about 70 percent of its exports, mostly oil.
But despite growing global criticism of Chinese blank checks written to the regime in Khartoum, Beijing has shifted its policy in the past 18 months.
Chinese President Hu Jintao (
Most significantly, analysts say, China backed security resolution 1769, which nearly tripled the size of the peacekeeping force in Darfur to 20,000 and brought in the UN alongside the African Union, which had led the mission. After successfully lobbying Bashir to accept the new force, China announced a US$10 million contribution to humanitarian aid in the country.
But many experts question how much pressure China is really exerting. Although the Chinese delegation at last month's African Union summit warned that the world was "running out of patience on Darfur," Sudan's government continues to hamper the new peacekeeping mission's deployment and last week launched the heaviest aerial attacks on villages in Darfur in more than a year.
"Sudan does listen and will continue to listen to what China says," said Sally Chin, Sudan analyst for the International Crisis Group. "There is so much more that it could be doing to put pressure on Khartoum to allow the peacekeepers into Darfur and to respect the ceasefire."
Egbert Wesselink, head of the European Coalition on Oil in Sudan, a research group, said China's "positive" influence did not appear to have had any real effect.
"It may be that it is giving a lot of good and wise advice to Sudan in private, but I have yet to see any tangible results in Darfur," he said.
So is this "new Chinese policy" meaningful?
"I would have to say not,"Wesselink said.
The relationship stretches back to 1994, when Khartoum's role in sponsoring terror and waging civil war in the south of the country severely limited its options for developing its petroleum industry. Eager to crack the western-dominated oil market, China dove in, helping Sudan become an oil exporter within five years by building a 1,600km pipeline and a refinery in the capital.
Along the way, the state-owned Chinese National Petroleum Co took 40 percent stakes in Sudan's two main oil consortiums. For China this proved extremely profitable as oil prices soared; in Sudan, human rights groups say, it helped fuel wars.
The Swiss-based Small Arms Survey says that up to 80 percent of Sudan's share of its early oil revenues was spent on weapons for the war in the south with the close assistance of China, which had previously sold it fighter jets and military helicopters.
By the beginning of the separate Darfur conflict in 2003, China had overtaken Iran as the country's main arms supplier and helped build weapons factories in Sudan. For Khartoum, which has also benefited from soft loans and Chinese expertise in building dams, bridges and rail networks, the partnership had another crucial upside.
As the war in Darfur attracted increasing international condemnation, China used its permanent seat on the UN Security Council to consistently stop strong action being taken against Sudan.
Monday was the 37th anniversary of former president Chiang Ching-kuo’s (蔣經國) death. Chiang — a son of former president Chiang Kai-shek (蔣介石), who had implemented party-state rule and martial law in Taiwan — has a complicated legacy. Whether one looks at his time in power in a positive or negative light depends very much on who they are, and what their relationship with the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) is. Although toward the end of his life Chiang Ching-kuo lifted martial law and steered Taiwan onto the path of democratization, these changes were forced upon him by internal and external pressures,
Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus whip Fu Kun-chi (傅?萁) has caused havoc with his attempts to overturn the democratic and constitutional order in the legislature. If we look at this devolution from the context of a transition to democracy from authoritarianism in a culturally Chinese sense — that of zhonghua (中華) — then we are playing witness to a servile spirit from a millennia-old form of totalitarianism that is intent on damaging the nation’s hard-won democracy. This servile spirit is ingrained in Chinese culture. About a century ago, Chinese satirist and author Lu Xun (魯迅) saw through the servile nature of
In their New York Times bestseller How Democracies Die, Harvard political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt said that democracies today “may die at the hands not of generals but of elected leaders. Many government efforts to subvert democracy are ‘legal,’ in the sense that they are approved by the legislature or accepted by the courts. They may even be portrayed as efforts to improve democracy — making the judiciary more efficient, combating corruption, or cleaning up the electoral process.” Moreover, the two authors observe that those who denounce such legal threats to democracy are often “dismissed as exaggerating or
The National Development Council (NDC) on Wednesday last week launched a six-month “digital nomad visitor visa” program, the Central News Agency (CNA) reported on Monday. The new visa is for foreign nationals from Taiwan’s list of visa-exempt countries who meet financial eligibility criteria and provide proof of work contracts, but it is not clear how it differs from other visitor visas for nationals of those countries, CNA wrote. The NDC last year said that it hoped to attract 100,000 “digital nomads,” according to the report. Interest in working remotely from abroad has significantly increased in recent years following improvements in