Circus maestro P.T. Barnum would be proud of Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) Legislator Su Chi (
In his latest salvo of unverifiable claims, Su has supposedly relied on a Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) central executive committee member to tell the world that the DPP government is to start developing nuclear weapons, but not without finding an escape route for President Chen Shui-bian (
Like so many of his colleagues, Su has a record of disseminating bogus information and then retracting it -- but only if called on it by the aggrieved parties. Sober analysts will therefore take his grandstanding with several pillars of salt, especially given that KMT presidential candidate Ma Ying-jeou (
And for Su to suggest that Taiwan is becoming a North Korean-style state is typical of his idiocy and contempt for the Taiwanese public, but he has also failed to explain why Chen, presumably a Kim Jong-il in the making, would seek asylum in the US if he were angling to be this country's next dictator.
Yet Su has touched on an interesting issue. If there is any truth to his words, then it appears that the Taiwanese government is learning from trends in Northeast Asia and the Middle East: Drop the "N" word and people start to take you very seriously. In Taiwan's case that would be a welcome change.
We look forward to people less predictable than Premier Chang Chun-hsiung (
Su serves on the legislative National Defense Committee, and on Wednesday he justified the committee slashing the military's missile budget by saying that it would provoke China.
Such a landmark action and reasoning by the KMT would ordinarily ring alarm bells all the way to the White House. But these are not ordinary times, and the White House appears just as clueless about the agenda of the KMT as it was at the beginning of the Bush administration.
The KMT is fast shedding any pretense of being a "nationalist" party in opposition to its communist foe. Its latest act indicates that -- in strategic and ideological terms -- it is settling comfortably into the role of proxy for the Chinese Communist Party.
For years now KMT politicians have been making trips to Beijing that compromised national security -- all as Taiwan's intelligence and security services sat on their hands. And in almost every action it has taken since 2000, the KMT has ensured that Taiwan's ability to defend itself would be retarded in the face of China's malevolent and growing strength.
It is clear that Ma Ying-jeou's various protestations against Beijing's ill treatment of its subjects amount to little more than fluff.
The big picture is this: Even if Ma were sincere about protecting Taiwan's democracy, his hardliner party machine is not. His inability to control the hardliners indicates that his election would bring back to power the kinds of people that most Taiwanese had assumed wilted away sometime after the end of martial law.
The KMT has blustered for years about what to do with the cross-strait impasse. It has lectured us on restraint and the "status quo." But this week it has reached its tipping point: It is now attempting to have the "status quo" collapse irreversibly in China's favor.
Which brings us back to Barnum: The more flamboyant the denials from the KMT, the better. But when it comes to cross-strait punditry, and especially in the US, there are suckers born every minute.
Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus whip Fu Kun-chi (傅?萁) has caused havoc with his attempts to overturn the democratic and constitutional order in the legislature. If we look at this devolution from the context of a transition to democracy from authoritarianism in a culturally Chinese sense — that of zhonghua (中華) — then we are playing witness to a servile spirit from a millennia-old form of totalitarianism that is intent on damaging the nation’s hard-won democracy. This servile spirit is ingrained in Chinese culture. About a century ago, Chinese satirist and author Lu Xun (魯迅) saw through the servile nature of
In their New York Times bestseller How Democracies Die, Harvard political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt said that democracies today “may die at the hands not of generals but of elected leaders. Many government efforts to subvert democracy are ‘legal,’ in the sense that they are approved by the legislature or accepted by the courts. They may even be portrayed as efforts to improve democracy — making the judiciary more efficient, combating corruption, or cleaning up the electoral process.” Moreover, the two authors observe that those who denounce such legal threats to democracy are often “dismissed as exaggerating or
Monday was the 37th anniversary of former president Chiang Ching-kuo’s (蔣經國) death. Chiang — a son of former president Chiang Kai-shek (蔣介石), who had implemented party-state rule and martial law in Taiwan — has a complicated legacy. Whether one looks at his time in power in a positive or negative light depends very much on who they are, and what their relationship with the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) is. Although toward the end of his life Chiang Ching-kuo lifted martial law and steered Taiwan onto the path of democratization, these changes were forced upon him by internal and external pressures,
The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus in the Legislative Yuan has made an internal decision to freeze NT$1.8 billion (US$54.7 million) of the indigenous submarine project’s NT$2 billion budget. This means that up to 90 percent of the budget cannot be utilized. It would only be accessible if the legislature agrees to lift the freeze sometime in the future. However, for Taiwan to construct its own submarines, it must rely on foreign support for several key pieces of equipment and technology. These foreign supporters would also be forced to endure significant pressure, infiltration and influence from Beijing. In other words,
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