Continued and unjustifiably negative commentary on the state of the nation's economy compelled President Chen Shui-bian (
Chen said that Taiwan was still one of the "Four Asian tigers" and rubbished claims that Taiwan has fallen far behind other regional economies.
The opposition, along with international business interests, has long been pushing for a complete lifting of cross-strait investment restrictions. The opposition would have us believe that only a full and unrestricted opening to China, as detailed in their "Chinese common market" policy, can cure the nation's supposed economic ills.
But apart from the security risk such a strategy presents, one only has to look at the example of the US to see how unbridled economic cooperation with China can weaken a country.
The US and the rest of the international community have rightly expressed their disgust and condemned the junta in Myanmar following its brutal crackdown on peaceful pro-democracy activists.
But, apart from the odd slap on the wrist and an annual report here and there, the same powerful countries stay strangely silent on China's human rights abuses, even though scenarios similar to those in Myanmar occur on an almost daily basis. Human rights don't count in China when there are economic interests at stake, it appears.
The mantra-like calls that were emanating from Washington not so long ago for China to revalue its currency have decreased since a number of important Chinese academics made public threats in the international media about China cashing in its bonds and destabilizing the US economy.
Meanwhile, a reluctance to upset Beijing has also led the US to look disingenuous when it talks about supporting democracy. On the one hand members of the US administration traverse the globe touting Taiwan's democratic achievements and the US' belief in and support for emerging democracies, but on the other the US tells Taiwan it can't hold a referendum, for doing so may upset its giant undemocratic neighbor and make life difficult for the White House.
These are just the most recent examples of how the US' economic recklessness and blind consumption has given China the upper hand in bilateral relations. And the dream that economic development would lead to political change in China has proved to be no more than that.
Of course, the opposition in Taiwan considers that economic cooperation dovetails nicely with their stated aim of "eventual unification."
But for those of us who want to preserve Taiwan's democracy and see this nation thrive, complete integration with the Chinese economy would be a disaster. It would leave the nation even more vulnerable to communist threats and coercion. Hence the need to protect Taiwan's high-tech industries and resist the temptation to make a fast buck at the expense of national security.
If close economic ties can reduce the US to the role of a submissive customer, then what chance does Taiwan have?
Better to be a little tiger with sharp teeth than a snack for a giant dragon.
Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus whip Fu Kun-chi (傅?萁) has caused havoc with his attempts to overturn the democratic and constitutional order in the legislature. If we look at this devolution from the context of a transition to democracy from authoritarianism in a culturally Chinese sense — that of zhonghua (中華) — then we are playing witness to a servile spirit from a millennia-old form of totalitarianism that is intent on damaging the nation’s hard-won democracy. This servile spirit is ingrained in Chinese culture. About a century ago, Chinese satirist and author Lu Xun (魯迅) saw through the servile nature of
In their New York Times bestseller How Democracies Die, Harvard political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt said that democracies today “may die at the hands not of generals but of elected leaders. Many government efforts to subvert democracy are ‘legal,’ in the sense that they are approved by the legislature or accepted by the courts. They may even be portrayed as efforts to improve democracy — making the judiciary more efficient, combating corruption, or cleaning up the electoral process.” Moreover, the two authors observe that those who denounce such legal threats to democracy are often “dismissed as exaggerating or
Monday was the 37th anniversary of former president Chiang Ching-kuo’s (蔣經國) death. Chiang — a son of former president Chiang Kai-shek (蔣介石), who had implemented party-state rule and martial law in Taiwan — has a complicated legacy. Whether one looks at his time in power in a positive or negative light depends very much on who they are, and what their relationship with the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) is. Although toward the end of his life Chiang Ching-kuo lifted martial law and steered Taiwan onto the path of democratization, these changes were forced upon him by internal and external pressures,
The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus in the Legislative Yuan has made an internal decision to freeze NT$1.8 billion (US$54.7 million) of the indigenous submarine project’s NT$2 billion budget. This means that up to 90 percent of the budget cannot be utilized. It would only be accessible if the legislature agrees to lift the freeze sometime in the future. However, for Taiwan to construct its own submarines, it must rely on foreign support for several key pieces of equipment and technology. These foreign supporters would also be forced to endure significant pressure, infiltration and influence from Beijing. In other words,
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