The Mid-Autumn Festival holiday was a period of sorrow and mourning for Taiwan's labor movement as Tseng Mao-hsing (
Taiwan's labor movement was born in the era of street demonstrations that followed the lifting of martial law and based on the concept of legal resistance. On one hand, laborers were seeking rights for holidays and overtime pay that had long been stipulated in the Labor Standards Act (勞基法). On the other hand, the grassroots labor unions freed themselves from the party-state and began to organize class mobilization. At that time, a series of strikes raised worker awareness. The newly born labor movement was awe-inspiring as no one knew what workers really wanted and where they were going to lead Taiwan after 40 years of oppression.
In the 1990s, the labor movement gradually became part of the system and fewer radical strikes occurred. "Push" and "pull" factors both influenced this transition of the labor movement. Labor activists were pushed into taking a milder approach after the state apparatus eliminated the radical labor movement, which led to the failures of strikes launched by the Miaoli Bus Co and the Far Eastern Chemical Fiber Plant. Then a series of government attempts to amend legislation and restrict labor rights pulled the labor movement's focus to the legislative agenda.
To a certain extent the labor movement was effective within the system. Within a dozen years, it successfully pressured the government to extend the Labor Standards Act to include the service industry and limited the labor insurance burden on workers to a reasonable proportion. The movement also saw the legalization of trade union confederations, the implementation of democracy in state-run businesses and the passage of the Gender Equality in Employment Act (
However, the established labor movement was also a tamed labor movement. It mobilized fewer members at the grassroots level and their participation served more as a bargaining chip in government talks. The movement adopted strategies that brought political influence.
While its influence has grown, the movement has also become distanced from the majority of workers. With more channels in the system, union officials have gained more career opportunities. They serve as directors and representatives of various groups, members of local labor autonomous councils, members of committees and as legislators-at-large nominated by political parties. It is not hard to see how labor union officials have become distanced from the grassroots level.
More importantly, the established labor movement only lays special emphasis on the rights of state-run business employees and neglects non-government employes, the unemployed, foreign laborers and other groups that are even more disadvantaged.
One conspicuous phenomenon is that more and more of the middle-aged unemployed no longer have anyone speaking for them. They are not protected by labor unions and the labor movement doesn't care too much about their situation. As other labor movement officials began to enter the corridors of government, Tseng was the only one left guarding the radition of street demonstration and preserving traditional grassroots resistance.
Restoring the spirit of the 1980s grassroots resistance will be a challenge that labor movement leaders accustomed to operating within the system must deal with.
Ho Ming-sho is an assistant professor of sociology at Nanhua University.
Translated by Ted Yang
I came to Taiwan to pursue my degree thinking that Taiwanese are “friendly,” but I was welcomed by Taiwanese classmates laughing at my friend’s name, Maria (瑪莉亞). At the time, I could not understand why they were mocking the name of Jesus’ mother. Later, I learned that “Maria” had become a stereotype — a shorthand for Filipino migrant workers. That was because many Filipino women in Taiwan, especially those who became house helpers, happen to have that name. With the rapidly increasing number of foreigners coming to Taiwan to work or study, more Taiwanese are interacting, socializing and forming relationships with
Whether in terms of market commonality or resource similarity, South Korea’s Samsung Electronics Co is the biggest competitor of Taiwan Semiconductor Manufacturing Co (TSMC). The two companies have agreed to set up factories in the US and are also recipients of subsidies from the US CHIPS and Science Act, which was signed into law by former US president Joe Biden. However, changes in the market competitiveness of the two companies clearly reveal the context behind TSMC’s investments in the US. As US semiconductor giant Intel Corp has faced continuous delays developing its advanced processes, the world’s two major wafer foundries, TSMC and
Earlier signs suggest that US President Donald Trump’s policy on Taiwan is set to move in a more resolute direction, as his administration begins to take a tougher approach toward America’s main challenger at the global level, China. Despite its deepening economic woes, China continues to flex its muscles, including conducting provocative military drills off Taiwan, Australia and Vietnam recently. A recent Trump-signed memorandum on America’s investment policy was more about the China threat than about anything else. Singling out the People’s Republic of China (PRC) as a foreign adversary directing investments in American companies to obtain cutting-edge technologies, it said
The recent termination of Tibetan-language broadcasts by Voice of America (VOA) and Radio Free Asia (RFA) is a significant setback for Tibetans both in Tibet and across the global diaspora. The broadcasts have long served as a vital lifeline, providing uncensored news, cultural preservation and a sense of connection for a community often isolated by geopolitical realities. For Tibetans living under Chinese rule, access to independent information is severely restricted. The Chinese government tightly controls media and censors content that challenges its narrative. VOA and RFA broadcasts have been among the few sources of uncensored news available to Tibetans, offering insights