The Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) will be breathing a collective sigh of relief today after a sustained period of electoral repudiation ended last night with its best performance since the 2004 presidential contest.
DPP Kaohsiung mayoral candidate Chen Chu (
Chen ran a more vibrant campaign than Huang and defied pundits who predicted a grave fate for the DPP in the south over the conduct of the Presidential Office and MRT construction woes in Kaohsiung. Voters ignored Chen's invisible performance as a Cabinet minister and reconnected with her in a city that seems to expect more energy from its candidates than Taipei.
Taipei City provides a more interesting picture, however. DPP mayoral candidate Frank Hsieh (
Hsieh's vote is respectable enough for him to stay in contention for the DPP nomination for president in 2008. Last night Hsieh's supporters were chanting "President Hsieh" in consolation and as a boost for his next campaign. And despite Hsieh lifting the DPP's vote by 5 percent on its 2002 result, the election was more notable for the ennui that cut into Hau's potential vote, despite Ma's backing, and the obliteration of People First Party (PFP) Chairman James Soong (
Indeed, the most important thing to come out of these contests is the crippling of the minor parties. Soong and his party are history. Humiliated after securing barely more than 4 percent of the vote, last night he said he would leave politics. His party's legislators, without their godfather and financier, can only return to the KMT fold or act as a temporary spoiler for the DPP until the next legislative election more or less wipes them out.
With a dysfunctional ex-candidate in Taipei and a dreadful performance in Kaohsiung, the Taiwan Solidarity Union's (TSU) unraveling is another demonstration of the marginalization of minor parties -- as well as the fact that former president and TSU "spiritual father" Lee Teng-hui's (
Even before the introduction of the new electoral system, it is clear that voters are tiring of clusters of splinter candidates with no coherent voice eating into the vote of major parties. After a period of extremes, Taiwanese are firming toward the center.
Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus whip Fu Kun-chi (傅?萁) has caused havoc with his attempts to overturn the democratic and constitutional order in the legislature. If we look at this devolution from the context of a transition to democracy from authoritarianism in a culturally Chinese sense — that of zhonghua (中華) — then we are playing witness to a servile spirit from a millennia-old form of totalitarianism that is intent on damaging the nation’s hard-won democracy. This servile spirit is ingrained in Chinese culture. About a century ago, Chinese satirist and author Lu Xun (魯迅) saw through the servile nature of
In their New York Times bestseller How Democracies Die, Harvard political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt said that democracies today “may die at the hands not of generals but of elected leaders. Many government efforts to subvert democracy are ‘legal,’ in the sense that they are approved by the legislature or accepted by the courts. They may even be portrayed as efforts to improve democracy — making the judiciary more efficient, combating corruption, or cleaning up the electoral process.” Moreover, the two authors observe that those who denounce such legal threats to democracy are often “dismissed as exaggerating or
Monday was the 37th anniversary of former president Chiang Ching-kuo’s (蔣經國) death. Chiang — a son of former president Chiang Kai-shek (蔣介石), who had implemented party-state rule and martial law in Taiwan — has a complicated legacy. Whether one looks at his time in power in a positive or negative light depends very much on who they are, and what their relationship with the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) is. Although toward the end of his life Chiang Ching-kuo lifted martial law and steered Taiwan onto the path of democratization, these changes were forced upon him by internal and external pressures,
The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus in the Legislative Yuan has made an internal decision to freeze NT$1.8 billion (US$54.7 million) of the indigenous submarine project’s NT$2 billion budget. This means that up to 90 percent of the budget cannot be utilized. It would only be accessible if the legislature agrees to lift the freeze sometime in the future. However, for Taiwan to construct its own submarines, it must rely on foreign support for several key pieces of equipment and technology. These foreign supporters would also be forced to endure significant pressure, infiltration and influence from Beijing. In other words,
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