When it comes to elections, it is generally acknowledged that all politics are -- or should be -- local. Nevertheless, the key issues that characterize the upcoming mayoral and city councilor elections are often associated with national and political rhetoric and have nothing to do with who is capable of doing the job.
For example, Chinese Nationalist Party Chairman (KMT) Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九) has called upon the voters to use the elections as a no-confidence vote on the Democratic Progressive Party's (DPP) allegedly corruption-driven governance. The KMT's candidate for Taipei, Hao Lung-bin (郝龍斌), has characterized the mayoral election as a decisive test for the 2008 presidential election.
The KMT has adopted the strategy of defaming President Chen Shui-bian (陳水扁), members of the first family and Chen's Cabinet as a way to sabotage the image of the DPP candidates in Taipei and Kaohsiung.
As a result, DPP Taipei mayoral candidate Frank Hsieh (
It is also difficult to see why KMT Taipei mayoral candidate Hao's past working experience in the DPP Cabinet would affect his capability to serve as mayor, as some commentators might be tempted to argue.
From the voters' perspective, why should problems associated with the nation's leaders affect how or why they choose a mayor or a city councilor?
Campaigns cannot win if they are based solely on a negative message. Their organizers must come up with positive images and feasible visions. Negative campaigns have their place, but they should not be the focal point of a winning campaign.
Negative campaigns are sometimes used as tactical tools to gain an advantage. But most of the time, negativity will only work once a party has laid out an alternative vision for their candidate through positive advertisements and determination to reform.
For example, Hsieh was better known for his successful revamping of Kaohsiung's Love River -- once a dark and stinky stream -- into a clean area that is perfect for leisure. To what extent, then, can Hao surpass Hsieh in this regard?
Hao's greatest challenge, therefore, lies in showing how he could do a better job than Ma if he were to win the election. While the incumbent usually carries a substantial challenge of retaining his supporters, his successor must demonstrate a different leadership style and vision. Hao has nevertheless criticized Ma's failure to crack down on the sex industry, to manage the SARS crisis and to handle damage caused by typhoons.
For Hsieh to win more votes -- especially from Taipei's middle class -- he needs to make it clear to the residents how he would manage to go beyond his accomplishments in Kaohsiung. Relentlessly criticizing the Hao family's alleged inappropriate use of public funds is just not a good tactic.
In Kaohsiung, the KMT's mayoral candidate Hung Jun-ying (黃俊英) must stop playing the "sympathy card" by exploiting the car accident involving Shirley Shaw (邵曉鈴), the wife of Taichung Mayor Jason Hu (胡志強), and honestly demonstrate to the voters why he can regain the support of the party's rank and file, which he lost four years ago.
His DPP rival, Chen Chu (
By overlooking the importance of reporting the messages of the candidates and instead focusing on the character assassination war, the media are failing in their obligation to provide the electorate with the means by which to judge the value of platforms of the candidates.
Liu Kuan-teh is a Taipei-based political commentator.
Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus whip Fu Kun-chi (傅?萁) has caused havoc with his attempts to overturn the democratic and constitutional order in the legislature. If we look at this devolution from the context of a transition to democracy from authoritarianism in a culturally Chinese sense — that of zhonghua (中華) — then we are playing witness to a servile spirit from a millennia-old form of totalitarianism that is intent on damaging the nation’s hard-won democracy. This servile spirit is ingrained in Chinese culture. About a century ago, Chinese satirist and author Lu Xun (魯迅) saw through the servile nature of
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