It has been a demoralizing week for both the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) and the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT), with their leaders, President Chen Shui-bian (
The DPP's Central Review Committee is expected to discuss tomorrow how to discipline first lady Wu Shu-jen (
According to this rule, Wu's DPP membership should already have been suspended for her indictment on corruption and forgery charges in connection with the president's "state affairs fund."
But on Thursday, the committee couldn't reach a quorum to discuss the matter. Although certain members had planned to refrain from attending meetings indefinitely, or at least until after the upcoming elections, public pressure has compelled them to convene tomorrow to discuss Wu's case.
Ma has also been questioned by prosecutors over irregularities in the use of his special mayoral allowance. He has promised that if he is indicted, he will abide by KMT rules that demand the suspension of his party membership and his resignation from the party's chairmanship.
To resolve Ma's crisis, some KMT members have proposed an amendment to the party's rules, while other members have begun to make plans that would allow him to register as an independent candidate representing the pan-blue camp in the 2008 presidential race.
Chen and Ma both wanted to formulate strict party rules to crack down on "black gold," or corruption.
The KMT mayor of Keelung, Hsu Tsai-li (
Now the hammer is coming down on Ma, but it is not clear whether he will follow party rules or seek to tiptoe around them.
In terms of party rules, this is a simple issue.
Politically, however, it is much more difficult. This is not about individual people, families or political parties, but about safeguarding the credibility of the parties in question. Chen and Ma face a situation that will not only affect the immediate present, but that will also influence Taiwan's future direction.
Chen and Ma should remember the reasons why they amended their party charters in the first place. If integrity is an ideal that the DPP and the KMT value, then Chen and Ma may have to sacrifice their positions. If rules are twisted to help them stay in or attain office, it would be tantamount to deciding that the process is secondary to political "necessity."
Chen and Ma have proclaimed their innocence. They may be indicted at some point, but that is for the judicial system to work out.
The nation's political parties, however, must do some serious soul searching. The DPP and the KMT must decide whether their rules are indeed standards to live up to, or whether they exist only to be broken when political expedience deems it necessary.
Under DPP rules, Wu should be expelled.
Under KMT rules, if he is indicted, Ma's membership in the party should be suspended and he should resign as chairman.
Both parties should remember that the nation's voters will watch -- and judge -- their response.
Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus whip Fu Kun-chi (傅?萁) has caused havoc with his attempts to overturn the democratic and constitutional order in the legislature. If we look at this devolution from the context of a transition to democracy from authoritarianism in a culturally Chinese sense — that of zhonghua (中華) — then we are playing witness to a servile spirit from a millennia-old form of totalitarianism that is intent on damaging the nation’s hard-won democracy. This servile spirit is ingrained in Chinese culture. About a century ago, Chinese satirist and author Lu Xun (魯迅) saw through the servile nature of
In their New York Times bestseller How Democracies Die, Harvard political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt said that democracies today “may die at the hands not of generals but of elected leaders. Many government efforts to subvert democracy are ‘legal,’ in the sense that they are approved by the legislature or accepted by the courts. They may even be portrayed as efforts to improve democracy — making the judiciary more efficient, combating corruption, or cleaning up the electoral process.” Moreover, the two authors observe that those who denounce such legal threats to democracy are often “dismissed as exaggerating or
Monday was the 37th anniversary of former president Chiang Ching-kuo’s (蔣經國) death. Chiang — a son of former president Chiang Kai-shek (蔣介石), who had implemented party-state rule and martial law in Taiwan — has a complicated legacy. Whether one looks at his time in power in a positive or negative light depends very much on who they are, and what their relationship with the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) is. Although toward the end of his life Chiang Ching-kuo lifted martial law and steered Taiwan onto the path of democratization, these changes were forced upon him by internal and external pressures,
The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus in the Legislative Yuan has made an internal decision to freeze NT$1.8 billion (US$54.7 million) of the indigenous submarine project’s NT$2 billion budget. This means that up to 90 percent of the budget cannot be utilized. It would only be accessible if the legislature agrees to lift the freeze sometime in the future. However, for Taiwan to construct its own submarines, it must rely on foreign support for several key pieces of equipment and technology. These foreign supporters would also be forced to endure significant pressure, infiltration and influence from Beijing. In other words,
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