The death of former minister of justice Chen Ding-nan (
Chen was a politician with a reputation for honesty and fastidiousness -- and he made it clear he wanted his funeral to be conducted accordingly, despite what custom might decree. He stipulated that his funeral be a simple one, without a mourning hall, funeral ceremony, flowers or gifts. Flowers and gifts sent by the president, the premier and others have all been declined.
However, if high-ranking Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) officials really want to honor Chen, they should follow through on his plan to establish an anti-corruption agency under the Ministry of Justice. In this way, the DPP could lay a strong foundation for a cleaner political system for years to come.
During his term as minister of justice, Chen established the Black Gold Investigation Center, which has been in charge of investigating the recent political scandals. The Ministry of Justice's Bureau of Investigation was intentionally bypassed for the investigation into the alleged misuse of the presidential "state affairs fund" as well as Chinatrust Financial Holding's controversial investment in Mega Financial. This was because the bureau's handling of big corruption cases in the past was less than ideal. Not only were there constant leaks, but the bureau appeared to be easily influenced by political interests and information uncovered during investigations had been used in political attacks.
Chen recognized the deep-rooted problems within the bureau, including its far-reaching brief -- protecting social order and investigating major crimes, including drug abuse, smuggling and corruption, as well as investigating national security issues. It is the country's only all-encompassing investigative unit, and it has been managed through a system of personal networks and connections common to long-established bodies.
He proposed the establishment of a new organization, one specifically entrusted with attacking graft and modeled after Hong Kong's Independent Commission Against Corruption. The agency would have clearly defined responsibilities and jurisdiction.
Building a clean government and cultivating diligent and caring politicians were once core values held by the DPP. They were also principles that Chen sought to uphold throughout his political career. Integrity and self-discipline are what the DPP has to pursue now.
Both the opposition parties and the red-clad followers of former DPP chairman Shih Ming-teh (
The government should formulate a complete set of legal standards, a system for enforcing them and a supervisory body. The passage of the "sunshine laws" now before the legislature and the establishment of a Cabinet-level anti-corruption agency would be steps in the right direction.
The Cabinet's proposal for an anti-corruption agency has been boycotted in the legislature by the pan-blue camp, while the bureau has done everything it can to obstruct the bill's passage. That is why the bill, which has 70 percent public support, has remained sidelined in the legislature for so long.
Since lawmakers of all persuasions are now proclaiming the need to combat corruption and enact the "sunshine laws," the public should observe which parties merely pay lip service to anti-corruption efforts and which are serious about getting down to work.
Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus whip Fu Kun-chi (傅?萁) has caused havoc with his attempts to overturn the democratic and constitutional order in the legislature. If we look at this devolution from the context of a transition to democracy from authoritarianism in a culturally Chinese sense — that of zhonghua (中華) — then we are playing witness to a servile spirit from a millennia-old form of totalitarianism that is intent on damaging the nation’s hard-won democracy. This servile spirit is ingrained in Chinese culture. About a century ago, Chinese satirist and author Lu Xun (魯迅) saw through the servile nature of
In their New York Times bestseller How Democracies Die, Harvard political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt said that democracies today “may die at the hands not of generals but of elected leaders. Many government efforts to subvert democracy are ‘legal,’ in the sense that they are approved by the legislature or accepted by the courts. They may even be portrayed as efforts to improve democracy — making the judiciary more efficient, combating corruption, or cleaning up the electoral process.” Moreover, the two authors observe that those who denounce such legal threats to democracy are often “dismissed as exaggerating or
Monday was the 37th anniversary of former president Chiang Ching-kuo’s (蔣經國) death. Chiang — a son of former president Chiang Kai-shek (蔣介石), who had implemented party-state rule and martial law in Taiwan — has a complicated legacy. Whether one looks at his time in power in a positive or negative light depends very much on who they are, and what their relationship with the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) is. Although toward the end of his life Chiang Ching-kuo lifted martial law and steered Taiwan onto the path of democratization, these changes were forced upon him by internal and external pressures,
The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus in the Legislative Yuan has made an internal decision to freeze NT$1.8 billion (US$54.7 million) of the indigenous submarine project’s NT$2 billion budget. This means that up to 90 percent of the budget cannot be utilized. It would only be accessible if the legislature agrees to lift the freeze sometime in the future. However, for Taiwan to construct its own submarines, it must rely on foreign support for several key pieces of equipment and technology. These foreign supporters would also be forced to endure significant pressure, infiltration and influence from Beijing. In other words,
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