A preliminary meeting between Premier Su Tseng-chang (
While it is understandable that Su, the country's highest administrative official, would want to talk with the opposition, the topics they eventually discuss should focus strictly on issues of national importance, like the passage of the long-stalled arms procurement bill and legislation that impacts on people's lives.
The proposed Su-Ma meeting should not consist of negotiations on how to end the anti-President Chen Shui-bian (
It should not, as several media outlets reported earlier this week, be an opportunity for party heavyweights, in the hope of easing tensions, to act as mediators and conduct some sort of shady deal patching things up between Chen and the campaign's leader, Shih Ming-teh (
If that is Su's intention, he should be warned not to place too much stock in the meeting with Ma. After all, the ultimate goal of the opposition is for the president to step down.
There is no need for any political negotiation, nor is there a need for other politicians to get involved when it is Shih himself who needs to clean up his mess and formulate an exit strategy.
Shih was the one responsible for bringing the crowds to Ketagalan Boulevard in the first place, portraying himself as a martyr and claiming that he had written his will. It was he who said that he would stage the anti-Chen sit-in protest until "either I die or Chen dies."
Shih's campaign has succeeded in bringing only unrest, economic losses, renewed ethnic friction and traffic congestion, all of which are slowly eroding the campaign's momentum, let alone any support it may have had from the pan-green crowd.
However inconvenient things may get because of Shih's protest, Taiwan's leaders must not let the nation's democratic institutions be damaged by this momentary madness.
Taiwan has not worked to bring about democracy and establish a depoliticized system of law and order so that celebrities can make reckless statements, instigate street clashes, side with former autocrats -- and then expect to receive an audience with elected officials.
Why should anybody bother voting if, every time the nation finds itself in political strife, some self-proclaimed messiah appears and gathers a crowd of followers -- with opposition backing -- who demand that the head of state be deposed?
The president is elected by this nation. The length of his tenure should not be decided during a few secretive meetings between senior political figures from various parties.
Whatever negotiations go on in these closed-door meetings can only damage the nation's democratic mechanisms.
The most responsible action would be to allow the judiciary to do its job and continue with its investigation into the cases that have implicated the president's family and advisers.
As Ma himself often says: "Let everything be conducted in accordance with the law."
Indeed.
And as for Shih, the best exit strategy for him would be to swallow his pride, end his sit-in and go home.
Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus whip Fu Kun-chi (傅?萁) has caused havoc with his attempts to overturn the democratic and constitutional order in the legislature. If we look at this devolution from the context of a transition to democracy from authoritarianism in a culturally Chinese sense — that of zhonghua (中華) — then we are playing witness to a servile spirit from a millennia-old form of totalitarianism that is intent on damaging the nation’s hard-won democracy. This servile spirit is ingrained in Chinese culture. About a century ago, Chinese satirist and author Lu Xun (魯迅) saw through the servile nature of
In their New York Times bestseller How Democracies Die, Harvard political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt said that democracies today “may die at the hands not of generals but of elected leaders. Many government efforts to subvert democracy are ‘legal,’ in the sense that they are approved by the legislature or accepted by the courts. They may even be portrayed as efforts to improve democracy — making the judiciary more efficient, combating corruption, or cleaning up the electoral process.” Moreover, the two authors observe that those who denounce such legal threats to democracy are often “dismissed as exaggerating or
Monday was the 37th anniversary of former president Chiang Ching-kuo’s (蔣經國) death. Chiang — a son of former president Chiang Kai-shek (蔣介石), who had implemented party-state rule and martial law in Taiwan — has a complicated legacy. Whether one looks at his time in power in a positive or negative light depends very much on who they are, and what their relationship with the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) is. Although toward the end of his life Chiang Ching-kuo lifted martial law and steered Taiwan onto the path of democratization, these changes were forced upon him by internal and external pressures,
The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus in the Legislative Yuan has made an internal decision to freeze NT$1.8 billion (US$54.7 million) of the indigenous submarine project’s NT$2 billion budget. This means that up to 90 percent of the budget cannot be utilized. It would only be accessible if the legislature agrees to lift the freeze sometime in the future. However, for Taiwan to construct its own submarines, it must rely on foreign support for several key pieces of equipment and technology. These foreign supporters would also be forced to endure significant pressure, infiltration and influence from Beijing. In other words,