One of the saddest phenomena in the circus that is Taiwanese politics is the ease with which certain people or parties punch well above their weight.
As the party that gives the pan-blue alliance its legislative majority, the People First Party (PFP) has been able to act with virtual impunity in pretending that it represents all of Taiwan.
Ever since June, when the hate campaign against President Chen Shui-bian (
The PFP pretends to be an overseeing force, working for the good of Taiwan, when in reality it has done nothing but obstruct legislation, freeze and cut government budgets and trample all over the Constitution, helping to bring the nation to a virtual standstill in the six years since its inception.
It was the PFP that provided the impetus for the failed presidential recall bid, and it was the PFP that was responsible for the unreasonable decision by Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) lawmakers to reject the president's nominee for prosecutor-general, Hsieh Wen-ding (
The PFP has also been instrumental in the blocking and watering down of the arms procurement bill, which has had a serious effect on Taiwan's ability to defend itself and maintain productive relations with the US.
And now the party has announced it will "paralyze" the new legislative session -- if it were possible to paralyze something that doesn't function -- by using "extreme measures" in reaction to the president's call for more constitutional change.
Aside from being a party that garnered just 14.8 percent of the vote, or 34 seats, in the last legislative elections (now 22 seats, thanks to defections back to the KMT), what can be said about the PFP?
At worst, it is Beijing's friend, advocating unification and doing its best to undermine the democracy that Taiwanese have worked so hard to realize.
At best, it is a personality cult formed after the 2000 presidential election, when Soong -- running as an independent after being expelled from the KMT -- was narrowly defeated by Chen. Encouraged by his strong showing, Soong formed the party, and he was joined by a host of KMT lawmakers. These opportunists thought Soong was the future of Taiwanese politics, but five years later, when KMT Chairman Ma Ying-jeou's (
And while the PFP is now leading efforts to get rid of Chen with a second recall bid, it remains hesitant to pursue the one guaranteed means of getting him out of office: Toppling the Cabinet would force the president to dissolve the legislature and call new elections.
If the PFP is as popular as it wants to be, this may give it and the KMT enough seats in the legislature to recall the president. So what is Soong waiting for?
His hesitancy results from the new "single-district, two-vote" system, under which the number of legislative seats will be halved and smaller parties like the PFP all but wiped out.
This likely state of affairs will cleanse the political system of a number of extremists, but until then, we can expect Soong and Co to do their level best to make their corrosive mark in a joke legislature.
Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus whip Fu Kun-chi (傅?萁) has caused havoc with his attempts to overturn the democratic and constitutional order in the legislature. If we look at this devolution from the context of a transition to democracy from authoritarianism in a culturally Chinese sense — that of zhonghua (中華) — then we are playing witness to a servile spirit from a millennia-old form of totalitarianism that is intent on damaging the nation’s hard-won democracy. This servile spirit is ingrained in Chinese culture. About a century ago, Chinese satirist and author Lu Xun (魯迅) saw through the servile nature of
In their New York Times bestseller How Democracies Die, Harvard political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt said that democracies today “may die at the hands not of generals but of elected leaders. Many government efforts to subvert democracy are ‘legal,’ in the sense that they are approved by the legislature or accepted by the courts. They may even be portrayed as efforts to improve democracy — making the judiciary more efficient, combating corruption, or cleaning up the electoral process.” Moreover, the two authors observe that those who denounce such legal threats to democracy are often “dismissed as exaggerating or
Monday was the 37th anniversary of former president Chiang Ching-kuo’s (蔣經國) death. Chiang — a son of former president Chiang Kai-shek (蔣介石), who had implemented party-state rule and martial law in Taiwan — has a complicated legacy. Whether one looks at his time in power in a positive or negative light depends very much on who they are, and what their relationship with the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) is. Although toward the end of his life Chiang Ching-kuo lifted martial law and steered Taiwan onto the path of democratization, these changes were forced upon him by internal and external pressures,
The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus in the Legislative Yuan has made an internal decision to freeze NT$1.8 billion (US$54.7 million) of the indigenous submarine project’s NT$2 billion budget. This means that up to 90 percent of the budget cannot be utilized. It would only be accessible if the legislature agrees to lift the freeze sometime in the future. However, for Taiwan to construct its own submarines, it must rely on foreign support for several key pieces of equipment and technology. These foreign supporters would also be forced to endure significant pressure, infiltration and influence from Beijing. In other words,