If former Democratic Progressive Party chairman Shih Ming-teh (
Shih should also stage a massive demonstration against China for deploying some 800 ballistic missiles in an attempt to destroy Taiwan and for diplomatically isolating Taiwan from the rest of the world.
If Shih sincerely opposed greediness and corruption, he would not keep quiet about the KMT's possession of questionable "partisan assets" worth nearly US$20 billion, as reported in Wealth Magazine in 1998. Shih has not raised any questions about Ma having sold some US$200 million of these assets. As a wild hunter, Shih tries to shoot at the cat but leaves the tiger alone.
If Shih truly cherished democracy, he should let the Constitution and the judiciary decide President Chen Shui-bian's (
A one-day silent sit-in is reasonable. A prolonged, round-the-clock, noisy sit-in or nationwide strike is an abuse of democracy and a nuisance to the general public. Let the Constitution do its job. If it does not do the job, let's amend it or scrap it and make a new one.
If Shih honestly respected ethnic harmony, he would not add a pan-red camp to the existing pan-green and pan-blue camps in Taiwan. Also, Sept. 8, the anniversary of the signing of the San Francisco Peace Treaty, would have been a better choice than Sept. 9, the anniversary of Mao Zedong's (
One should be smart enough "to scratch the itchy skin and not scratch the non-itchy skin to bleeding," as a Taiwanese saying goes.
Charles Hong
Columbus, Ohio
Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus whip Fu Kun-chi (傅?萁) has caused havoc with his attempts to overturn the democratic and constitutional order in the legislature. If we look at this devolution from the context of a transition to democracy from authoritarianism in a culturally Chinese sense — that of zhonghua (中華) — then we are playing witness to a servile spirit from a millennia-old form of totalitarianism that is intent on damaging the nation’s hard-won democracy. This servile spirit is ingrained in Chinese culture. About a century ago, Chinese satirist and author Lu Xun (魯迅) saw through the servile nature of
In their New York Times bestseller How Democracies Die, Harvard political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt said that democracies today “may die at the hands not of generals but of elected leaders. Many government efforts to subvert democracy are ‘legal,’ in the sense that they are approved by the legislature or accepted by the courts. They may even be portrayed as efforts to improve democracy — making the judiciary more efficient, combating corruption, or cleaning up the electoral process.” Moreover, the two authors observe that those who denounce such legal threats to democracy are often “dismissed as exaggerating or
Monday was the 37th anniversary of former president Chiang Ching-kuo’s (蔣經國) death. Chiang — a son of former president Chiang Kai-shek (蔣介石), who had implemented party-state rule and martial law in Taiwan — has a complicated legacy. Whether one looks at his time in power in a positive or negative light depends very much on who they are, and what their relationship with the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) is. Although toward the end of his life Chiang Ching-kuo lifted martial law and steered Taiwan onto the path of democratization, these changes were forced upon him by internal and external pressures,
The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus in the Legislative Yuan has made an internal decision to freeze NT$1.8 billion (US$54.7 million) of the indigenous submarine project’s NT$2 billion budget. This means that up to 90 percent of the budget cannot be utilized. It would only be accessible if the legislature agrees to lift the freeze sometime in the future. However, for Taiwan to construct its own submarines, it must rely on foreign support for several key pieces of equipment and technology. These foreign supporters would also be forced to endure significant pressure, infiltration and influence from Beijing. In other words,
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