Lee Chia-tung (
Although Lee believes that Chen should step down, he also provided examples of past experiences in other countries to show that in the absence of legitimate procedures, forcing a president out of office will only lead to national instability.
I think those who support Shih's "one million people to depose President Chen Shui-bian" campaign should seriously consider the consequences of their emotionally wrought move and what price they are willing to pay for their cause.
In 1979, the Kaohsiung Incident was sparked by a democracy movement initiated by dangwai (黨外) political activists striving to lift the ban on political parties, advocating new legislative elections and pushing for direct local elections.
On May 20, 1988, a movement staged by farmers demanded that the government deal with imports of foreign produce, implement a comprehensive farmers insurance scheme and a develop a systematic program for purchasing rice.
In 1990, the Wild Lily Student Movement (野百合學運) was launched in an efoort to force government officials to dismiss the National Assembly, abolish the temporary provisions that became effective during the period of Communist Rebellion, hold a high-level national policy conference and draw up a reform timetable.
In 1991, the "100 Action Alliance" (一百行動聯盟) was founded to oppose and abolish Article 100 of the Criminal Code (刑法) in order to grant Taiwanese the freedoms of thought, speech and association.
These movements were of great importance and significance in the course of the development of Taiwan's democratic political system. Their objective was to strive for a sustainable political system.
However, Shih's campaign to unseat the president is directed at Chen rather than at establishing a sustainable political system.
Instead, Shih should raise the level of his discourse about political corruption by also touching on the need for a "sunshine law" that would require all public functionaries to disclose their financial assets to the Control Yuan, require all party assets to be reported and demand that government officials who receive illegal political donations forfeit their right to hold public office.
If Shih is instead only hell-bent on taking his anti-Chen campaign to the streets, he will harm the nation's democratic development. This kind of political campaign simply takes advantage of the media (who also benefit), regardless of the legal procedures to recall or impeach a president.
Shih clearly harbors a deliberate intention to force Chen out of office. How could Shih not be aware of the possibility that Taiwan could devolve into a third- world nation, and that his movement could plunge the country into turmoil, instability and mutual suspicion?
People have the power to cast ballots and limit the terms of elected representatives, thereby determining the government's composition and balancing its power. But Shih's need to be a martyr may destroy the nation's democratic gains, end any semblance of "responsible politics" and divert Taiwan from its course of becoming a normal country.
At this juncture, unlike Shih, the public should keep their cool to avoid further confrontation among them.
Chiu Li-li is a Tainan City councilor.
Translated by Lin Ya-ti
Taiwanese pragmatism has long been praised when it comes to addressing Chinese attempts to erase Taiwan from the international stage. “Taipei” and the even more inaccurate and degrading “Chinese Taipei,” imposed titles required to participate in international events, are loathed by Taiwanese. That is why there was huge applause in Taiwan when Japanese public broadcaster NHK referred to the Taiwanese Olympic team as “Taiwan,” instead of “Chinese Taipei” during the opening ceremony of the Tokyo Olympics. What is standard protocol for most nations — calling a national team by the name their country is commonly known by — is impossible for
India is not China, and many of its residents fear it never will be. It is hard to imagine a future in which the subcontinent’s manufacturing dominates the world, its foreign investment shapes nations’ destinies, and the challenge of its economic system forces the West to reshape its own policies and principles. However, that is, apparently, what the US administration fears. Speaking in New Delhi last week, US Deputy Secretary of State Christopher Landau warned that “we will not make the same mistakes with India that we did with China 20 years ago.” Although he claimed the recently agreed framework
The Office of the US Trade Representative (USTR) on Wednesday last week announced it is launching investigations into 16 US trading partners, including Taiwan, under Section 301 of the Trade Act of 1974 to determine whether they have engaged in unfair trade practices, such as overproduction. A day later, the agency announced a separate Section 301 investigation into 60 economies based on the implementation of measures to prohibit the importation of goods produced with forced labor. Several of Taiwan’s main trading rivals — including China, Japan, South Korea and the EU — also made the US’ investigation list. The announcements come
Taiwan is not invited to the table. It never has been, but this year, with the Philippines holding the ASEAN chair, the question that matters is no longer who gets formally named, it is who becomes structurally indispensable. The “one China” formula continues to do its job. It sets the outer boundary of official diplomatic speech, and no one in the region has a serious interest in openly challenging it. However, beneath the surface, something is thickening. Trade corridors, digital infrastructure, artificial intelligence (AI) cooperation, supply chains, cross-border investment: The connective tissue between Taiwan and ASEAN is quietly and methodically growing