Taiwan's opposition parties and interest groups are continuing to call on President Chen Shui-bian (
The pan-blue camp, for example, has spread rumors that the president's son-in-law, Chao Chien-ming (
Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) Legislator Wang Shih-cheng (
DPP Legislator Wang Hsing-nan (
The headquarters for Shih's campaign to oust the president, on the other hand, has released information about death threats against Shih and asked for police protection. There have also been clashes between Chen's supporters and opponents in his home town in Tainan County.
The attacks have now extended to the personal morals of Chen, Shih and people close to them, as well as unification and independence supporters alike. This is creating an atmosphere of insecurity that will do no one any good.
Shih's cause to unseat the president through instigating a popular uprising is wrong-headed. Taiwan is a democracy that has clear legal requirements and procedures regulating the removal of a president.
The pan-blue camp's legislative recall motion failed and Chen retains the legal right to govern. Organizing street protests is not a good tactic, because if the president is forced to step down as a result, it will set a bad precedent for this nation's democracy.
The office of the president would become so easily swayed by political conflict that future presidents would eventually come under the same pressure. That would set Taiwan off on the same vicious political cycle seen in the Philippines, South Korea, Thailand and Indonesia.
Nonetheless, Shih and others opposed to Chen have a legal right to air their opinions as well as a limited degree of freedom to assemble. As long as they do not violate the law, these rights must be respected and protected.
The president's supporters may disapprove of Shih's proposition, but they should not physically attack him or threaten him. By the same token, the anti-Chen forces may protest, but the protests must not turn into riots resembling the debacle that followed the 2004 presidential election. Nor must those opposing Chen cook up unfounded charges or threaten him or his family's security.
Both sides grappling with this issue have strong arguments and public support, and neither side can easily defeat the other. The goal of adhering to democratic values and the rule of law should be placed above and beyond the issue of protecting or unseating the president.
If the nation can resolve this conflict in a civilized and rational manner, it will remain a democracy worthy of emulation. The alternative is a throwback to the days when political violence was par for the course.
Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus whip Fu Kun-chi (傅?萁) has caused havoc with his attempts to overturn the democratic and constitutional order in the legislature. If we look at this devolution from the context of a transition to democracy from authoritarianism in a culturally Chinese sense — that of zhonghua (中華) — then we are playing witness to a servile spirit from a millennia-old form of totalitarianism that is intent on damaging the nation’s hard-won democracy. This servile spirit is ingrained in Chinese culture. About a century ago, Chinese satirist and author Lu Xun (魯迅) saw through the servile nature of
In their New York Times bestseller How Democracies Die, Harvard political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt said that democracies today “may die at the hands not of generals but of elected leaders. Many government efforts to subvert democracy are ‘legal,’ in the sense that they are approved by the legislature or accepted by the courts. They may even be portrayed as efforts to improve democracy — making the judiciary more efficient, combating corruption, or cleaning up the electoral process.” Moreover, the two authors observe that those who denounce such legal threats to democracy are often “dismissed as exaggerating or
Monday was the 37th anniversary of former president Chiang Ching-kuo’s (蔣經國) death. Chiang — a son of former president Chiang Kai-shek (蔣介石), who had implemented party-state rule and martial law in Taiwan — has a complicated legacy. Whether one looks at his time in power in a positive or negative light depends very much on who they are, and what their relationship with the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) is. Although toward the end of his life Chiang Ching-kuo lifted martial law and steered Taiwan onto the path of democratization, these changes were forced upon him by internal and external pressures,
The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus in the Legislative Yuan has made an internal decision to freeze NT$1.8 billion (US$54.7 million) of the indigenous submarine project’s NT$2 billion budget. This means that up to 90 percent of the budget cannot be utilized. It would only be accessible if the legislature agrees to lift the freeze sometime in the future. However, for Taiwan to construct its own submarines, it must rely on foreign support for several key pieces of equipment and technology. These foreign supporters would also be forced to endure significant pressure, infiltration and influence from Beijing. In other words,