In the aftermath of Sanlih Entertainment Television employee Chu Wen-cheng (朱文正) being wrongly arrested and injured by Taipei District Court police while covering a court appearance by Chao Chien-ming (趙建銘), all major TV channels have joined together in vehemently condemning the police actions as a violation of the freedom of the press.
The excessive force used by police during the incident and the threat that such behavior poses to journalists and photographers doing their job is certainly grounds for harsh criticism. Taiwanese society should support Chu's decision to sue the police for misconduct, injury and repression of his freedom.
However, this should also be considered from another angle. What role have the media, and especially television news channels, played in the explosive scandals surrounding Chao?
First, because of the major political and social repercussions of the scandal, the media should be praised for their determined pursuit of the story. This is especially true considering that Chao, as well as other high-level government officials, have not provided helpful answers or complete information. Journalists have been put at a disadvantage by officials' often patronizing, coy or arrogant attitudes, as well as the deliberate protection given by governmental and even non-governmental organizations, such as National Taiwan University Hospital. The frustrations of reporters are understandable.
However, this atmosphere didn't develop overnight. Criticism that news channels' reports are inflammatory, confrontational, petty, misleading and exaggerated are not unfounded. The most extreme manifestations of this have been in the coverage of Chao's housekeeper Lin Hsiu-jen (
The dogged pursuit of Lin and the bewildered children is problematic from the standpoint of professional ethics, and represents a lack of professional competence. The media have clearly not found an effective way to break through the government's deliberate deceptions and withholding of information. They have been unable to get to the heart of the matter and provide credible information to viewers who crave to know the truth.
Under these conditions, Lin, who is not protected by the system, has become a sacrificial lamb. She has also become a major, although not terribly meaningful, source of news, and even an object of ridicule. How can President Chen Shui-bian's (陳水扁) family be so heartless as to subject one of its innocent employees to a media frenzy because it doesn't want to face the media itself? But the media is also to blame for its inhumane hounding of Lin.
Front-line journalists and photographers experience pressure and are at times themselves victims, and news bosses must share some of the blame. Aren't they the ones who order their reporters into harm's way to cover stories? Can forcing hardship and danger on reporters be ethically justified? It's a question that news bosses should rationally assess.
Media bosses should search their consciences. There have been many instances of police using excessive force in recent years. If the victim this time didn't work for a TV station, would all of the channels have spent so much time and energy reporting on it, and would they have put the same pressure on the courts and police?
Freedom of the press is of the utmost importance, but so is a responsible media. If the media really wish to monitor the government, dig up the truth and defend the spirit of freedom of the press, they shouldn't fill the airwaves with sensational and hollow reporting just to boost their ratings. And media bosses shouldn't sit back and wait for something bad to happen before joining together and demanding freedom of the press.
In light of the government's unwillingness to be forthcoming with information, media bosses should use all means at their disposal to demand a more transparent flow of information. This would protect their employees' safety and fulfill their responsibility to society. If they succeed in doing this, then the viewing public should support them.
Wei Ti is an associate professor in the Department of Mass Communications at Tamkang University.
Translated by Marc Langer
Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus whip Fu Kun-chi (傅?萁) has caused havoc with his attempts to overturn the democratic and constitutional order in the legislature. If we look at this devolution from the context of a transition to democracy from authoritarianism in a culturally Chinese sense — that of zhonghua (中華) — then we are playing witness to a servile spirit from a millennia-old form of totalitarianism that is intent on damaging the nation’s hard-won democracy. This servile spirit is ingrained in Chinese culture. About a century ago, Chinese satirist and author Lu Xun (魯迅) saw through the servile nature of
In their New York Times bestseller How Democracies Die, Harvard political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt said that democracies today “may die at the hands not of generals but of elected leaders. Many government efforts to subvert democracy are ‘legal,’ in the sense that they are approved by the legislature or accepted by the courts. They may even be portrayed as efforts to improve democracy — making the judiciary more efficient, combating corruption, or cleaning up the electoral process.” Moreover, the two authors observe that those who denounce such legal threats to democracy are often “dismissed as exaggerating or
Monday was the 37th anniversary of former president Chiang Ching-kuo’s (蔣經國) death. Chiang — a son of former president Chiang Kai-shek (蔣介石), who had implemented party-state rule and martial law in Taiwan — has a complicated legacy. Whether one looks at his time in power in a positive or negative light depends very much on who they are, and what their relationship with the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) is. Although toward the end of his life Chiang Ching-kuo lifted martial law and steered Taiwan onto the path of democratization, these changes were forced upon him by internal and external pressures,
The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus in the Legislative Yuan has made an internal decision to freeze NT$1.8 billion (US$54.7 million) of the indigenous submarine project’s NT$2 billion budget. This means that up to 90 percent of the budget cannot be utilized. It would only be accessible if the legislature agrees to lift the freeze sometime in the future. However, for Taiwan to construct its own submarines, it must rely on foreign support for several key pieces of equipment and technology. These foreign supporters would also be forced to endure significant pressure, infiltration and influence from Beijing. In other words,
RSS