Rumors have surfaced of a Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) plot to "destroy" People First Party (PFP) Chairman James Soong (
KMT and PFP insiders have not denied these rumors -- a clear indication of the flimsy nature of the pan-blue coalition, which has never been able to rise above the struggle for political benefit and election rivalry. Even if the Taipei mayoral election does not lead to the disintegration of the pan-blue camp, the impact of the new single-member district system to be adopted in the next legislative elections certainly will.
Soong is an experienced and cunning politician with broad campaign experience, having stood for the posts of provincial governor, president and vice president. Can the antics of a few grassroots KMT politicians lure him into a trap? Soong has certainly expressed his interest in joining the Taipei mayoral race. And in the campaign to recall the president, he showed considerable acuity and displayed his ability to mobilize the public. But since then, he has adopted a wait-and-see attitude. This shows that Soong is still cautiously feeling out the situation and biding his time.
Soong certainly has ambitions for higher office. However, it would be foolish to ignore his political judgment. Those who believe that he can be entrapped by low-level political shenanigans are underestimating him. If Soong decides to throw his hat into the ring, then this would be based on his careful consideration and his party's interests. Soong's current reticence is probably intended to maintain his popularity among pan-blue supporters, or is in preparation for using his China trip in September to build momentum ahead of the election. Regardless, no one can ignore Soong's role in the Taipei mayoral election. It is still too early to say whether his decision will help him start afresh or end his political career.
Though nobody can completely rule out the existence of a plot to eliminate Soong from the nation's political scene, the idea smacks of conspiracy theory and is unworthy of serious consideration. Although the Taipei mayoral election is a secondary government election, it could build momentum for a victory in the 2008 presidential elections. The election is also a chance for the DPP to revive its fortunes after having been tarnished by scandals involving the first family. Both the KMT and DPP will be paying close attention to Soong's next move. However, conspiracy theories aimed at manipulating his choice of whether he contests the mayoral election are likely to backfire, and voters will only have contempt for such schemes.
Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus whip Fu Kun-chi (傅?萁) has caused havoc with his attempts to overturn the democratic and constitutional order in the legislature. If we look at this devolution from the context of a transition to democracy from authoritarianism in a culturally Chinese sense — that of zhonghua (中華) — then we are playing witness to a servile spirit from a millennia-old form of totalitarianism that is intent on damaging the nation’s hard-won democracy. This servile spirit is ingrained in Chinese culture. About a century ago, Chinese satirist and author Lu Xun (魯迅) saw through the servile nature of
In their New York Times bestseller How Democracies Die, Harvard political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt said that democracies today “may die at the hands not of generals but of elected leaders. Many government efforts to subvert democracy are ‘legal,’ in the sense that they are approved by the legislature or accepted by the courts. They may even be portrayed as efforts to improve democracy — making the judiciary more efficient, combating corruption, or cleaning up the electoral process.” Moreover, the two authors observe that those who denounce such legal threats to democracy are often “dismissed as exaggerating or
Monday was the 37th anniversary of former president Chiang Ching-kuo’s (蔣經國) death. Chiang — a son of former president Chiang Kai-shek (蔣介石), who had implemented party-state rule and martial law in Taiwan — has a complicated legacy. Whether one looks at his time in power in a positive or negative light depends very much on who they are, and what their relationship with the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) is. Although toward the end of his life Chiang Ching-kuo lifted martial law and steered Taiwan onto the path of democratization, these changes were forced upon him by internal and external pressures,
The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus in the Legislative Yuan has made an internal decision to freeze NT$1.8 billion (US$54.7 million) of the indigenous submarine project’s NT$2 billion budget. This means that up to 90 percent of the budget cannot be utilized. It would only be accessible if the legislature agrees to lift the freeze sometime in the future. However, for Taiwan to construct its own submarines, it must rely on foreign support for several key pieces of equipment and technology. These foreign supporters would also be forced to endure significant pressure, infiltration and influence from Beijing. In other words,