The political crises surrounding President Chen Shui-bian (
There is no disputing that the DPP faces a political crisis of unprecedented severity. It is also true that this crisis is due to Chen's mismanagement of state affairs. The president cannot escape responsibility for this, but so far his failures have been political and moral, not legal.
In the political sphere, Chen has already delegated some of his powers, heralding the arrival of the post-Chen era. In the private sphere, Chen and his family are being worn down by the pressure being put on them by political foes and public opinion. But ultimately, Chen himself has not broken the law, and finding him guilty by association is unreasonable.
Some time ago, Chen announced that he was withdrawing from the DPP's affairs, so even if he were to leave the party, it would be no more than a symbolic gesture. Chen and the DPP are inseparable, so that even if he were to withdraw, the DPP would still be enmeshed in the current crisis. His departure would not help the party regain the people's trust; it would merely give the media and opposition more opportunities to kick the man when he's down. Throwing Chen out of the DPP would benefit neither Chen nor the party.
In finding a way out of its crisis, the DPP should consider changing the system rather than simply blaming Chen. Whatever happens to Chen, the political scene and party affairs are now entering the "post-Chen" era. The DPP National Convention, which begins on Saturday, should deliberate on the model of collective leadership operating through the Central Standing Committee.
In the past, the DPP was regarded as an electoral machine. It now needs to become a mechanism for policy coordination. From major policy decision-making by the Cabinet to major legislation, deliberation should proceed through the coordinating and negotiating platform of the party's Central Standing Committee. This would allow the executive, the legislative caucus and the party to be consistent in its actions. This is especially important since the DPP is in a minority in the legislature and does not benefit from having a strong leader. It will also help the party escape the criticism that it is led by one man's will, and that the Presidential Office routinely interferes in its affairs.
Rule through committee might be less efficient, but it provides greater transparency and more prudent policymaking. If the DPP misses this opportunity to become a more integrated and unified party, especially now that it has lost its reputation for honesty, it will leave itself open to being cut down by any of its rivals.
Chen has said that he will not attend the party congress. In any case, the question of whether Chen will resign from the party is not important. It is more important to consider whether the DPP will be able to operate smoothly, eliminate administrative obstacles and carry out its policies without Chen.
Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus whip Fu Kun-chi (傅?萁) has caused havoc with his attempts to overturn the democratic and constitutional order in the legislature. If we look at this devolution from the context of a transition to democracy from authoritarianism in a culturally Chinese sense — that of zhonghua (中華) — then we are playing witness to a servile spirit from a millennia-old form of totalitarianism that is intent on damaging the nation’s hard-won democracy. This servile spirit is ingrained in Chinese culture. About a century ago, Chinese satirist and author Lu Xun (魯迅) saw through the servile nature of
In their New York Times bestseller How Democracies Die, Harvard political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt said that democracies today “may die at the hands not of generals but of elected leaders. Many government efforts to subvert democracy are ‘legal,’ in the sense that they are approved by the legislature or accepted by the courts. They may even be portrayed as efforts to improve democracy — making the judiciary more efficient, combating corruption, or cleaning up the electoral process.” Moreover, the two authors observe that those who denounce such legal threats to democracy are often “dismissed as exaggerating or
Monday was the 37th anniversary of former president Chiang Ching-kuo’s (蔣經國) death. Chiang — a son of former president Chiang Kai-shek (蔣介石), who had implemented party-state rule and martial law in Taiwan — has a complicated legacy. Whether one looks at his time in power in a positive or negative light depends very much on who they are, and what their relationship with the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) is. Although toward the end of his life Chiang Ching-kuo lifted martial law and steered Taiwan onto the path of democratization, these changes were forced upon him by internal and external pressures,
The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus in the Legislative Yuan has made an internal decision to freeze NT$1.8 billion (US$54.7 million) of the indigenous submarine project’s NT$2 billion budget. This means that up to 90 percent of the budget cannot be utilized. It would only be accessible if the legislature agrees to lift the freeze sometime in the future. However, for Taiwan to construct its own submarines, it must rely on foreign support for several key pieces of equipment and technology. These foreign supporters would also be forced to endure significant pressure, infiltration and influence from Beijing. In other words,
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