This nation's political and military predicament makes for strange bedfellows among foreign observers. Right-wing hawks and military figures in the US get into bed (in a manner of speaking) with environmental activists, pro-democracy idealists and sympathizers in Europe defending our self-determination against pseudo-leftist diehards, "Greater China" advocates, multinational corporations and governments enthralled at China's apparent riches.
This brew is reflected in the paradox of betrayal that is unraveling the pan-blue agenda of unification and the self-interest that is derailing the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP).
Traditionally the defender of a governmental and political system that it manipulated at will, the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) portrays itself today as defender of the underprivileged and the ethnically vulnerable, guardian of administrative virtue and the sole agent capable of maintaining the nation's economic health. Yet it espouses oneness with a society that will grow more and more desperate in its attempts to fulfill these demands in its own territory.
The DPP, which inherited a system in need of widespread reform, has been intimidated by the sheer size of its mission and the dedication required to complete it. Since the transfer of power, the party has been witness to the rise of the tricky and the cunning at the expense of the capable and the diligent. The good work that has been done under the Chen administration cannot compete with the bad press, nor with the disappointment of supporters and former supporters who feel that vital opportunities have been wasted.
Patriotism will not form in this society if the nationalist engine room is occupied by the KMT and the DPP. This is because, in the case of the DPP, Chairman Yu Shyi-kun and other leaders are incapable of revitalizing the party's nationalist goals. Witness Yu moaning yesterday that presidential son-in-law Chao Chien-ming's (
KMT Chairman Ma Ying-jeou (
The campaign for a Taiwanese nation has been hurt by so much DPP stupidity and KMT treachery that it comes as no surprise that few will dirty themselves by aligning with either side on behalf of a nation that cannot bring itself into formal existence -- but which still makes a lot of money.
Nonetheless, pan-blue ideologues are setting themselves up for a nasty fall if they think this nationalist torpor can be harnessed in the service of "Greater China." This is as clear as day: Taiwan's wealth and lifestyle are the primary components of its expression of identity, rather than comparisons with other nations, and any injury committed against wealth-generating mechanisms will attract the strongest electoral retaliation among those whose vote is not iron-blue or iron-green.
President-in-waiting Ma may harbor delusions of a China that does not fleece Taiwan's wealth and demean her people, but the day will come for him, as it has for President Chen Shui-bian (
Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus whip Fu Kun-chi (傅?萁) has caused havoc with his attempts to overturn the democratic and constitutional order in the legislature. If we look at this devolution from the context of a transition to democracy from authoritarianism in a culturally Chinese sense — that of zhonghua (中華) — then we are playing witness to a servile spirit from a millennia-old form of totalitarianism that is intent on damaging the nation’s hard-won democracy. This servile spirit is ingrained in Chinese culture. About a century ago, Chinese satirist and author Lu Xun (魯迅) saw through the servile nature of
In their New York Times bestseller How Democracies Die, Harvard political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt said that democracies today “may die at the hands not of generals but of elected leaders. Many government efforts to subvert democracy are ‘legal,’ in the sense that they are approved by the legislature or accepted by the courts. They may even be portrayed as efforts to improve democracy — making the judiciary more efficient, combating corruption, or cleaning up the electoral process.” Moreover, the two authors observe that those who denounce such legal threats to democracy are often “dismissed as exaggerating or
Monday was the 37th anniversary of former president Chiang Ching-kuo’s (蔣經國) death. Chiang — a son of former president Chiang Kai-shek (蔣介石), who had implemented party-state rule and martial law in Taiwan — has a complicated legacy. Whether one looks at his time in power in a positive or negative light depends very much on who they are, and what their relationship with the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) is. Although toward the end of his life Chiang Ching-kuo lifted martial law and steered Taiwan onto the path of democratization, these changes were forced upon him by internal and external pressures,
The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus in the Legislative Yuan has made an internal decision to freeze NT$1.8 billion (US$54.7 million) of the indigenous submarine project’s NT$2 billion budget. This means that up to 90 percent of the budget cannot be utilized. It would only be accessible if the legislature agrees to lift the freeze sometime in the future. However, for Taiwan to construct its own submarines, it must rely on foreign support for several key pieces of equipment and technology. These foreign supporters would also be forced to endure significant pressure, infiltration and influence from Beijing. In other words,
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