On Tuesday night, President Chen Shui-bian (
As expected, those who support the president cheered, while those who oppose him were unmoved and unimpressed.
Supporters of the president were encouraged by his open attitude, reassured of his integrity and gave him a thumbs-up for his speech. But those who remained unconvinced criticized Chen for his windy monologue, lack of sincerity, twisted arguments and failure to provide any concrete evidence against allegations of his wife and his son-in-law's involvement in a series of corruption scandals.
While many more might still be in the process of digesting and forming their opinion of the president's address, one thing is clear: the increasing polarization of the country's pan-green and pan-blue camps.
A recall of Chen can only be warranted if there were substantial criminal evidence linking him to any wrongdoing. That was what Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) Chairman Ma Ying-jeou (
The degree to which emotions are fueling the recall motion can be seen from the fact that People First Party Chairman James Soong (
The risk is that the opposition's unreasonable and relentless attack against Chen in its effort to unseat him will arouse more negative sentiment among Chen's supporters. And as pan-green supporters' anger toward pan-blue politicians' tactics gather strength and they start venting their discontent in public, this would in return generate more heat from the pan-blue crowd.
Chen should have realized by now that to some people, no matter how much he tries, his efforts will never be good enough.
For it is sad but true that to some people in this country, there can always be fault found in whatever Chen does, simply because what Chen represents is anathema to fixations on Greater China.
The double standards that the pro-China media apply to Chen were evident when he was severely criticized for giving his son a glamorous wedding -- the very same media had only words of praise when KMT Legislator Lin Yi-shih (
When the opposition bashes Chen, the pro-China media chimes in with charges of incompetence. But when Chen went on the offensive, pro-China political commentators turned around and demanded that he -- as head of state -- should show more tolerance for others and allow more room for criticism.
Either way, Chen just can't win, and national stability is being jeopardized by all of this incessant political wrangling.
Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus whip Fu Kun-chi (傅?萁) has caused havoc with his attempts to overturn the democratic and constitutional order in the legislature. If we look at this devolution from the context of a transition to democracy from authoritarianism in a culturally Chinese sense — that of zhonghua (中華) — then we are playing witness to a servile spirit from a millennia-old form of totalitarianism that is intent on damaging the nation’s hard-won democracy. This servile spirit is ingrained in Chinese culture. About a century ago, Chinese satirist and author Lu Xun (魯迅) saw through the servile nature of
In their New York Times bestseller How Democracies Die, Harvard political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt said that democracies today “may die at the hands not of generals but of elected leaders. Many government efforts to subvert democracy are ‘legal,’ in the sense that they are approved by the legislature or accepted by the courts. They may even be portrayed as efforts to improve democracy — making the judiciary more efficient, combating corruption, or cleaning up the electoral process.” Moreover, the two authors observe that those who denounce such legal threats to democracy are often “dismissed as exaggerating or
Monday was the 37th anniversary of former president Chiang Ching-kuo’s (蔣經國) death. Chiang — a son of former president Chiang Kai-shek (蔣介石), who had implemented party-state rule and martial law in Taiwan — has a complicated legacy. Whether one looks at his time in power in a positive or negative light depends very much on who they are, and what their relationship with the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) is. Although toward the end of his life Chiang Ching-kuo lifted martial law and steered Taiwan onto the path of democratization, these changes were forced upon him by internal and external pressures,
The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus in the Legislative Yuan has made an internal decision to freeze NT$1.8 billion (US$54.7 million) of the indigenous submarine project’s NT$2 billion budget. This means that up to 90 percent of the budget cannot be utilized. It would only be accessible if the legislature agrees to lift the freeze sometime in the future. However, for Taiwan to construct its own submarines, it must rely on foreign support for several key pieces of equipment and technology. These foreign supporters would also be forced to endure significant pressure, infiltration and influence from Beijing. In other words,