On Monday, the TAIEX fell 244 points. It's not difficult to fathom that recent political instability has led to poor stock performance, but the decline in shares has also spawned conspiracy theories. The Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) believes the opposition parties' mobilization to recall the president and topple Premier Su Tseng-chang's (
Legislative Speaker Wang Jin-pyng (王金平) held cross-party talks on whether to hold an extraordinary legislative session to review some urgently needed bills. Legislators from ruling and opposition parties have agreed to the session, but are split over which bills should be given priority. DPP legislators hope to prioritize budget bills related to people's livelihoods and the economy, while opposition legislators want to prioritize legislation related to the presidential recall campaign and direct links. Given this deep political chasm, the session could simply provide another occasion for pointless political bickering.
The insider-trading case involving Chen's son-in-law Chao Chien-ming (趙建銘) has attracted huge political and media interest. Every development stirs more controversy. Whether Chao is implicated in the scandal or not, the case will have serious implications for the nation's political scene. Nevertheless, the seemingly endless coverage of it is surely abnormal.
The investigation into Chao's case is about to come to a close. The prosecutor will decide whether to present an indictment against Chao. But we cannot start discussing what legal and political responsibility Chen must bear until Chao is found guilty of the charges presented, or Chen and his family members are implicated. Prior to this, any attempt to force the resignation of the premier or recall the president is unwise and will likely plunge the nation into further turmoil.
While the People First Party (PFP) is planning to unseat Chen, the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) is taking aim at the Cabinet. Since recalling the president requires the approval of two-thirds of legislators, the KMT thinks it doesn't have the numbers. However, the pan-blues do possess enough legislative seats to force the resignation of the Cabinet. If Chen decided to dissolve the legislature in response, this would force an election, which under the Constitution, would be under the new "single-district, two-vote" system. That means half the legislators would be out of a job. While neither KMT nor PFP legislators desire this, the result would be worse for the PFP, which would likely dissolve completely, allowing the KMT to dislodge both of its political rivals in one go. But, unable to put its ideal plan into action, the KMT has settled on launching a petition to recall the president, so that it does not lose support to the PFP.
The scandals surrounding Chen's entourage and his family are extremely regrettable. It is imperative that law enforcement officials conduct a thorough investigation into all the allegations and find out who is responsible. The public should remain cool and not give politicians an opportunity to engage in further strife. While the recall proposal can be discussed at the special legislative session, issues involving people's livelihoods should top the agenda. Otherwise, contention over the recall is likely to overwhelm all other bills, rendering a special session pointless.
Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus whip Fu Kun-chi (傅?萁) has caused havoc with his attempts to overturn the democratic and constitutional order in the legislature. If we look at this devolution from the context of a transition to democracy from authoritarianism in a culturally Chinese sense — that of zhonghua (中華) — then we are playing witness to a servile spirit from a millennia-old form of totalitarianism that is intent on damaging the nation’s hard-won democracy. This servile spirit is ingrained in Chinese culture. About a century ago, Chinese satirist and author Lu Xun (魯迅) saw through the servile nature of
In their New York Times bestseller How Democracies Die, Harvard political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt said that democracies today “may die at the hands not of generals but of elected leaders. Many government efforts to subvert democracy are ‘legal,’ in the sense that they are approved by the legislature or accepted by the courts. They may even be portrayed as efforts to improve democracy — making the judiciary more efficient, combating corruption, or cleaning up the electoral process.” Moreover, the two authors observe that those who denounce such legal threats to democracy are often “dismissed as exaggerating or
Monday was the 37th anniversary of former president Chiang Ching-kuo’s (蔣經國) death. Chiang — a son of former president Chiang Kai-shek (蔣介石), who had implemented party-state rule and martial law in Taiwan — has a complicated legacy. Whether one looks at his time in power in a positive or negative light depends very much on who they are, and what their relationship with the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) is. Although toward the end of his life Chiang Ching-kuo lifted martial law and steered Taiwan onto the path of democratization, these changes were forced upon him by internal and external pressures,
The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus in the Legislative Yuan has made an internal decision to freeze NT$1.8 billion (US$54.7 million) of the indigenous submarine project’s NT$2 billion budget. This means that up to 90 percent of the budget cannot be utilized. It would only be accessible if the legislature agrees to lift the freeze sometime in the future. However, for Taiwan to construct its own submarines, it must rely on foreign support for several key pieces of equipment and technology. These foreign supporters would also be forced to endure significant pressure, infiltration and influence from Beijing. In other words,
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