Unsurprisingly, the Legislative Yuan ended its spring session in chaos, failing to pass a number of critical bills that seriously affect the livelihoods of ordinary people and the national interest.
Amendments to the Statute Governing the Relations Between the People of the Taiwan Area and the Mainland Area (兩岸人民關係條例) failed for a third time after physical confrontation between the governing and opposition parties. The pan-greens stopped the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) and the People First Party (PFP) from putting the amendment to a vote on the legislative floor. The pan-blues, in return, blocked all of the Democratic Progressive Party's (DPP) proposals, and the legislature went into its summer recess on Tuesday amid pandemonium.
While legislators never cease to entertain -- or embarrass -- the public by putting on antics such as water-fights, cup-tossing, spitting and all-out wrestling matches, one expects that these so-called lawmakers could at least have made themselves useful during the past three months. They could have, say, voted on bills -- the reason they were elected to office.
But no.
Other than passing amendments to the Statute Governing Charity Donations (
In all, 75 bills were passed, even less than the 86 passed in the previous session.
A number of critical bills that affect the country's economic performance and development failed to pass, including budget bills pertaining to public infrastructure, flood-control projects, investment projects by state-owned enterprises and unfreezing around NT$200 billion in revenue meant for the central government.
This is not to mention the long-stalled review of the state public prosecutor-general nominee, approval of Control Yuan members and the arms-procurement plan. Also, the draft labor insurance supervisory commission organic law, which provides for more rigorous management of the nation's pension funds, went nowhere.
And what about amendments to the Organic Law of the Executive Yuan (
Leaving these major bills in abeyance not only seriously hobbles the government's operations, but has also halted a number of major public construction plans.
While the DPP caucus had urged holding a provisional session during the summer recess to deliberate on key bills, the pan-blue camp said it would not agree to such a meeting if the pan-greens continued to block the PFP's proposal on direct links.
It is apparent that to the pan-blues, passing the PFP's amendment on direct links and allowing direct travel between Taiwan and China mattered more than the lives and safety of the people who live in flood-prone areas.
One can't help but wonder who would really benefit from direct links. Would it be the general public?
Or would it be a handful of business conglomerates? Or would it be to further the goal of "ultimate unification" between Taiwan and China, as KMT Chairman Ma Ying?jeou (
Let's hope that the lawmakers come to their senses soon, rather than holding Taiwan hostage to their own self-interest.
Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus whip Fu Kun-chi (傅?萁) has caused havoc with his attempts to overturn the democratic and constitutional order in the legislature. If we look at this devolution from the context of a transition to democracy from authoritarianism in a culturally Chinese sense — that of zhonghua (中華) — then we are playing witness to a servile spirit from a millennia-old form of totalitarianism that is intent on damaging the nation’s hard-won democracy. This servile spirit is ingrained in Chinese culture. About a century ago, Chinese satirist and author Lu Xun (魯迅) saw through the servile nature of
In their New York Times bestseller How Democracies Die, Harvard political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt said that democracies today “may die at the hands not of generals but of elected leaders. Many government efforts to subvert democracy are ‘legal,’ in the sense that they are approved by the legislature or accepted by the courts. They may even be portrayed as efforts to improve democracy — making the judiciary more efficient, combating corruption, or cleaning up the electoral process.” Moreover, the two authors observe that those who denounce such legal threats to democracy are often “dismissed as exaggerating or
Monday was the 37th anniversary of former president Chiang Ching-kuo’s (蔣經國) death. Chiang — a son of former president Chiang Kai-shek (蔣介石), who had implemented party-state rule and martial law in Taiwan — has a complicated legacy. Whether one looks at his time in power in a positive or negative light depends very much on who they are, and what their relationship with the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) is. Although toward the end of his life Chiang Ching-kuo lifted martial law and steered Taiwan onto the path of democratization, these changes were forced upon him by internal and external pressures,
The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus in the Legislative Yuan has made an internal decision to freeze NT$1.8 billion (US$54.7 million) of the indigenous submarine project’s NT$2 billion budget. This means that up to 90 percent of the budget cannot be utilized. It would only be accessible if the legislature agrees to lift the freeze sometime in the future. However, for Taiwan to construct its own submarines, it must rely on foreign support for several key pieces of equipment and technology. These foreign supporters would also be forced to endure significant pressure, infiltration and influence from Beijing. In other words,