Today will see another review of the pan-blue camp's proposed amendments to the Statute Governing the Relations Between the People of the Taiwan Area and the Mainland Area (
The proposed amendments will see all restrictions on cross-strait transport lifted just three months after the amendments become law. Both academics and government officials have warned that such an action is risky as three months is nowhere near enough time to solve all the technical issues involved in establishing direct links, not to mention dealing with the increased threat to national security the simplified regulations present.
But in its haste to please its benefactors in Beijing, the pan-blue camp, under the pretext that the relaxations will be good for the economy, is determined to hastily push through the amendments.
The pan-blues' rationale for taking the initiative and forcing through the bill is that the Democratic Progressive Party government, with its "anti-China bias," is purposely dragging its feet when it comes to negotiating the issue with the Chinese government. In reality it is the Chinese government's refusal to deal directly with any government-level institution, or anything that gives Taiwan a semblance of sovereignty, that is causing the delay. The government is rightfully unwilling to downgrade Taiwan's sovereign status. But still, the pan-blues are willing to play along with Beijing's demands, and laughably deny that the issue has anything to do with sovereignty.
This is the same pan-blue camp that constantly urges the president to uphold the institutions of the Republic of China while at home and abroad, but the very next minute attempts to downgrade it to the status of a local Chinese government in compliance with Beijing's humiliating demands.
The pan-blue camp would do well to step back and consider two important issues. If it decides to bypass the government on this issue, the pan-blue camp will set a dangerous precedent that will affect it if it is returned to power. Usurping the power of a democratically elected government will damage government institutions, such as the Mainland Affairs Council, beyond repair and goes against the spirit of the Constitution.
Another important consideration for the pan-blues is the reaction of the Taiwanese public, because whether they like it or not, Taiwan is a democracy. The Taiwanese are a pragmatic bunch, and they are probably willing to trade some of the trappings of sovereignty for lasting security and prosperity, but they will also defend their democracy to the last, and fight against anything that threatens it.
And as the People First Party discovered with its "cross-strait peace advancement" bill, which was quietly sidelined before last December's local government elections when it became clear how unpopular it was, not everything that Beijing would like to impose upon Taiwan in the name of prosperity goes down well with the Taiwanese public.
The government is in a no-win situation on this issue: It is vilified by the pan-blues if it refuses to speed up the process, but if it goes ahead with relaxing the regulations and national security is compromised then it will receive equal amounts of scorn from the public.
One solution would be for the government and the pan-blues to negotiate an agreement that satisfies the immediate needs of Taiwanese businesspeople for direct flights and sea links, yet at the same time safeguards the nation's sovereignty and national security; a compromise that unfortunately, in the current political climate, seems unlikely.
Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus whip Fu Kun-chi (傅?萁) has caused havoc with his attempts to overturn the democratic and constitutional order in the legislature. If we look at this devolution from the context of a transition to democracy from authoritarianism in a culturally Chinese sense — that of zhonghua (中華) — then we are playing witness to a servile spirit from a millennia-old form of totalitarianism that is intent on damaging the nation’s hard-won democracy. This servile spirit is ingrained in Chinese culture. About a century ago, Chinese satirist and author Lu Xun (魯迅) saw through the servile nature of
In their New York Times bestseller How Democracies Die, Harvard political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt said that democracies today “may die at the hands not of generals but of elected leaders. Many government efforts to subvert democracy are ‘legal,’ in the sense that they are approved by the legislature or accepted by the courts. They may even be portrayed as efforts to improve democracy — making the judiciary more efficient, combating corruption, or cleaning up the electoral process.” Moreover, the two authors observe that those who denounce such legal threats to democracy are often “dismissed as exaggerating or
Monday was the 37th anniversary of former president Chiang Ching-kuo’s (蔣經國) death. Chiang — a son of former president Chiang Kai-shek (蔣介石), who had implemented party-state rule and martial law in Taiwan — has a complicated legacy. Whether one looks at his time in power in a positive or negative light depends very much on who they are, and what their relationship with the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) is. Although toward the end of his life Chiang Ching-kuo lifted martial law and steered Taiwan onto the path of democratization, these changes were forced upon him by internal and external pressures,
The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus in the Legislative Yuan has made an internal decision to freeze NT$1.8 billion (US$54.7 million) of the indigenous submarine project’s NT$2 billion budget. This means that up to 90 percent of the budget cannot be utilized. It would only be accessible if the legislature agrees to lift the freeze sometime in the future. However, for Taiwan to construct its own submarines, it must rely on foreign support for several key pieces of equipment and technology. These foreign supporters would also be forced to endure significant pressure, infiltration and influence from Beijing. In other words,
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