President Chen Shui-bian (
With that statement, Chen has thrown the ball squarely back into China's court. Beijing now has to address the issue of whether it concurs with the so-called "1992 consensus." Chen's words also offer a possible turning point in the current cross-strait deadlock.
However, chances are Hu is unlikely to spawn a political earthquake by commenting on Chen's remarks. For starters, it is clearly stated in the preface of the Chinese Constitution, adopted in December 1982, that "Taiwan is part of the sacred territory of the People's Republic of China [PRC]."
If Hu were to accept the idea of "one China with each side having its own interpretation," he would risk not only violating the PRC's Constitution but also setting off predictable waves of resistance and criticism from the Chinese Communist Party. Not to mention that he would also be violating Beijing's "Anti-Secession" Law, which explicitly states in its articles that "the Mainland and Taiwan belong to one China and that there is only one China and that the sovereignty of that one China is indivisible."
Time and again Hu has reiterated that the so-called "1992 consensus" refers to its "one China" principle. One ought to remember that when he met former KMT chairman Lien Chan (
While the KMT continues to bury its head in the sand over the "1992 consensus," it is important that President Chen keep his mind clear and lucid.
Chen's challenge to Hu also carries a risk. He should be fully aware how his remark on Monday might put Taiwan in a vulnerable position and allow it to be taken advantage of by China if he fails to handle it wisely.
The president's statement has shaken the nerves of most pan-green supporters and if not explained clearly, Chen and his Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) could very well be confronted with dissatisfaction from their supporters.
What if Hu, known for his skill in playing word games, were to accept? How will the DPP administration respond to a possible scenario of "two Chinas" without compromising Taiwan's dignity and status? Worse, it could further lock Taiwan into the position of Beijing's definition of "one China."
Although Chen had carefully phrased his challenge -- the word "respect" is not tantamount to "accept" -- the president should nonetheless be cautious and avoid falling into "united front" traps set by China.
The DPP administration ought to seriously contemplate and draft strategies on what it is prepared to face when China throws the ball back into its court.
Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus whip Fu Kun-chi (傅?萁) has caused havoc with his attempts to overturn the democratic and constitutional order in the legislature. If we look at this devolution from the context of a transition to democracy from authoritarianism in a culturally Chinese sense — that of zhonghua (中華) — then we are playing witness to a servile spirit from a millennia-old form of totalitarianism that is intent on damaging the nation’s hard-won democracy. This servile spirit is ingrained in Chinese culture. About a century ago, Chinese satirist and author Lu Xun (魯迅) saw through the servile nature of
In their New York Times bestseller How Democracies Die, Harvard political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt said that democracies today “may die at the hands not of generals but of elected leaders. Many government efforts to subvert democracy are ‘legal,’ in the sense that they are approved by the legislature or accepted by the courts. They may even be portrayed as efforts to improve democracy — making the judiciary more efficient, combating corruption, or cleaning up the electoral process.” Moreover, the two authors observe that those who denounce such legal threats to democracy are often “dismissed as exaggerating or
Monday was the 37th anniversary of former president Chiang Ching-kuo’s (蔣經國) death. Chiang — a son of former president Chiang Kai-shek (蔣介石), who had implemented party-state rule and martial law in Taiwan — has a complicated legacy. Whether one looks at his time in power in a positive or negative light depends very much on who they are, and what their relationship with the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) is. Although toward the end of his life Chiang Ching-kuo lifted martial law and steered Taiwan onto the path of democratization, these changes were forced upon him by internal and external pressures,
The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus in the Legislative Yuan has made an internal decision to freeze NT$1.8 billion (US$54.7 million) of the indigenous submarine project’s NT$2 billion budget. This means that up to 90 percent of the budget cannot be utilized. It would only be accessible if the legislature agrees to lift the freeze sometime in the future. However, for Taiwan to construct its own submarines, it must rely on foreign support for several key pieces of equipment and technology. These foreign supporters would also be forced to endure significant pressure, infiltration and influence from Beijing. In other words,
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