The US employs a policy of maintaining the status quo across the Taiwan Strait and opposing any unilateral change in the relationship between Taiwan and China. This policy is lopsided.
In the last few years, the number of China's ballistic missiles aimed at Taiwan has doubled to 784. Last year, China put its "Anti-Secession" Law into effect, authorizing its military leaders to attack Taiwan at any time without even first getting permission from Chinese President Hu Jintao (
Today, Taiwan is more militarily threatened, epidemically unprotected and diplomatically isolated by China than ever before. The so-called "Red Storm" is blowing hard over Taiwan, Japan and other countries. The power balance is unequal.
US officials should express surprise at the failure of Taiwan's legislature to pass the arms procurement bill, rather than at President Chen Shui-bian's (
As a Taiwanese saying goes, "A spoiled pig will destroy your stove and a spoiled child will not be filial." The US should not spoil China in exchange for China's cooperation in fighting terror and controlling North Korea's nuclear program. Instead, the US should appreciate and encourage Taiwan for trying to reinforce its status quo, including rectifying its official name and deploying the mechanism of the popular vote as a free, democratic country like the US.
Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus whip Fu Kun-chi (傅?萁) has caused havoc with his attempts to overturn the democratic and constitutional order in the legislature. If we look at this devolution from the context of a transition to democracy from authoritarianism in a culturally Chinese sense — that of zhonghua (中華) — then we are playing witness to a servile spirit from a millennia-old form of totalitarianism that is intent on damaging the nation’s hard-won democracy. This servile spirit is ingrained in Chinese culture. About a century ago, Chinese satirist and author Lu Xun (魯迅) saw through the servile nature of
In their New York Times bestseller How Democracies Die, Harvard political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt said that democracies today “may die at the hands not of generals but of elected leaders. Many government efforts to subvert democracy are ‘legal,’ in the sense that they are approved by the legislature or accepted by the courts. They may even be portrayed as efforts to improve democracy — making the judiciary more efficient, combating corruption, or cleaning up the electoral process.” Moreover, the two authors observe that those who denounce such legal threats to democracy are often “dismissed as exaggerating or
Monday was the 37th anniversary of former president Chiang Ching-kuo’s (蔣經國) death. Chiang — a son of former president Chiang Kai-shek (蔣介石), who had implemented party-state rule and martial law in Taiwan — has a complicated legacy. Whether one looks at his time in power in a positive or negative light depends very much on who they are, and what their relationship with the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) is. Although toward the end of his life Chiang Ching-kuo lifted martial law and steered Taiwan onto the path of democratization, these changes were forced upon him by internal and external pressures,
The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus in the Legislative Yuan has made an internal decision to freeze NT$1.8 billion (US$54.7 million) of the indigenous submarine project’s NT$2 billion budget. This means that up to 90 percent of the budget cannot be utilized. It would only be accessible if the legislature agrees to lift the freeze sometime in the future. However, for Taiwan to construct its own submarines, it must rely on foreign support for several key pieces of equipment and technology. These foreign supporters would also be forced to endure significant pressure, infiltration and influence from Beijing. In other words,