Premier-designate Su Tseng-chang (
Hwang, chairman of the state-run Taiwan Power Co, and Lyu, chairman of the state-run Bank of Taiwan, are not widely known to the public, and so their selections came as a surprise to many observers. But it is clear that they have been chosen to expedite President Chen Shui-bian's (
In his New Year speech, Chen said the government would adopt a tougher stance toward China by promoting an "active management, effective opening" policy for economic relations. Under the previous guidelines -- in place since 2001 -- China became Taiwan's biggest export market and investment destination, with some 38 percent of exports shipped across the Taiwan Strait and as much as 70 percent of outbound investment taking the same route.
Hwang's emergence as the new economics minister perhaps reflects Ho's failure to more actively manage China-bound investment. But his two decades of experience in the private sector also make him stand out, because his business management skills in turning around companies suggest that he was appointed on his merits rather than because of the perceived failures of others.
Nevertheless, when Hwang takes the helm he will run into the same difficulties his predecessor faced, such as how to increase domestic investment, promote business innovation and reorient the economy away from manufacturing. In other words, the new minister must come up with clear and consistent policies that guide business investment. The vague slogan "active management" will not lure businessman into pouring in funds without workable policies.
Lyu, on the other hand, is one of Chen's economic advisers and once served as vice chairman of the Commission of National Corporations. He has experience in managing state-run enterprises such as Chunghwa Telecom Co, Land Bank of Taiwan and Bank of Taiwan, and has firm ties with the Democratic Progressive Party. But Lyu's ability to continue implementation of tax reform and help the government achieve fiscal balance by 2011 has been questioned.
Lyu's predecessor was successful in pushing forward legislation for the alternative minimum tax and drafted other schemes to improve taxation parity, but this drew mounting criticism from the business sector. Even so, Lyu seems to have little means of retreating from this policy. If he does, the public could gain the impression that the government's reform efforts are slowing down.
Certain financial reforms, such as the privatization of state banks, will be another challenge because of opposition in the legislature and protests by bank employees. If Lyu wants to accelerate privatization, he needs to review the entire strategy and take more aggressive action than his predecessor.
Despite the challenges ahead, it is a good thing that Ho is shifting to the post of minister without portfolio and can continue sharing her expertise with the Cabinet. Lin will return to his teaching career, but his reforms have generally received public support. Meanwhile, Council for Economic Planning and Development Minister Hu Sheng-cheng (
Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus whip Fu Kun-chi (傅?萁) has caused havoc with his attempts to overturn the democratic and constitutional order in the legislature. If we look at this devolution from the context of a transition to democracy from authoritarianism in a culturally Chinese sense — that of zhonghua (中華) — then we are playing witness to a servile spirit from a millennia-old form of totalitarianism that is intent on damaging the nation’s hard-won democracy. This servile spirit is ingrained in Chinese culture. About a century ago, Chinese satirist and author Lu Xun (魯迅) saw through the servile nature of
In their New York Times bestseller How Democracies Die, Harvard political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt said that democracies today “may die at the hands not of generals but of elected leaders. Many government efforts to subvert democracy are ‘legal,’ in the sense that they are approved by the legislature or accepted by the courts. They may even be portrayed as efforts to improve democracy — making the judiciary more efficient, combating corruption, or cleaning up the electoral process.” Moreover, the two authors observe that those who denounce such legal threats to democracy are often “dismissed as exaggerating or
Monday was the 37th anniversary of former president Chiang Ching-kuo’s (蔣經國) death. Chiang — a son of former president Chiang Kai-shek (蔣介石), who had implemented party-state rule and martial law in Taiwan — has a complicated legacy. Whether one looks at his time in power in a positive or negative light depends very much on who they are, and what their relationship with the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) is. Although toward the end of his life Chiang Ching-kuo lifted martial law and steered Taiwan onto the path of democratization, these changes were forced upon him by internal and external pressures,
The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus in the Legislative Yuan has made an internal decision to freeze NT$1.8 billion (US$54.7 million) of the indigenous submarine project’s NT$2 billion budget. This means that up to 90 percent of the budget cannot be utilized. It would only be accessible if the legislature agrees to lift the freeze sometime in the future. However, for Taiwan to construct its own submarines, it must rely on foreign support for several key pieces of equipment and technology. These foreign supporters would also be forced to endure significant pressure, infiltration and influence from Beijing. In other words,
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