The gas war between Russia and Ukraine has underscored the vulnerability of central European nations as they struggle to secure a place in the EU while remaining dependent on Russia for energy supplies.
Indeed, most of the central European states that signed up to the EU in May 2004 are substantially more dependent on Russia for their gas deliveries than Ukraine.
While Russia covers about 40 percent of Ukraine's gas needs, Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia and Slovakia receive practically all their natural gas supplies from Russia.
About 80 percent of gas supplies for the Czech Republic and Hungary come from Russia, which also meets 62 percent of Slovenia's gas needs. This compares to about 24 percent on average for the EU.
The New Year's Day decision by Russia's state energy giant Gazprom to turn off the tap supplying gas to Ukraine has triggered a new debate in Europe about energy.
However, Austria, which currently holds the EU's rotating presidency, is reliant on Russia for about 60 percent of its gas imports.
As a result, the row between Ukraine and Russia is likely to help move energy up the list of items on Vienna's agenda during the coming six months of its presidency.
Hungary, for one, has called on the EU to help resolve the conflict between Kiev and Gazprom, the world's biggest gas producer.
With signs that Moscow and Kiev might return to the negotiating table, the European Commission on Tuesday called on the two nations to resolve the row.
"The best solution would be when the parties themselves can find a solution to the conflict," commission spokesman Johannes Laitenberger said in Brussels.
But Austrian Economics Minister Martin Bartenstein on Tuesday rejected the notion of the EU taking on a mediating role in the conflict, saying a bilateral solution had to be found.
That said, there have already been calls for European nations to rethink any plans for stepping back from nuclear energy with the conflict between Moscow and Kiev raising worries about the disruption of gas supplies.
This, in turn, has helped contribute to a sharp rise in oil prices on global energy markets.
At the heart of battle between Ukraine and Russia is the move by Moscow to end Soviet-era-subsidized gas prices for Western-oriented Kiev and to increase the price of gas supplies there more than four times.
At the same time, the gas war has also raised concerns in Bulgaria and Romania, which are expected to become the EU's 26th and 27th members within a year.
This was underscored by a report in Bulgaria's Dnewnik daily, saying that Moscow also planned to more than double the price of gas supplied to Sofia. Bulgaria draws 97 percent of its gas supplies from Russia.
Dnewnik reported on Tuesday that as part of energy talks between Moscow and Sofia, Gazprom wants to hike the price from US$120 per 1000m3 to US$260 per 1000m3.
Romania, which receives about 40 percent of its gas supplies from Russia, in November negotiated with Moscow a modest increase in the price of gas deliveries from US$252 to US$285.
Apart from concerns about Russia attempting to use its vast energy supplies as a political weapon, the Gazprom move against Ukraine also serves to highlight Moscow's ambitions to promote itself as a global energy power.
This is particularly the case after it took over the chairmanship of the Group of Eight of leading industrial nations on New Year's Day.
Tensions between western Europe and several of the new EU states have been building for several months since Germany signed a new gas pipeline deal with Russia that would bypass parts of central Europe.
Russia acts as one of the most important energy suppliers to Germany, Europe's biggest economy. Germany receives about 36 percent of its gas supply from the Russians.
However, other nations comprising so-called old Europe are even less dependent on Russia. In the case of France, about 25 percent of its supplies are from Russia.
Malta and Cyprus -- which joined the EU along with most of the central European states in May 2004 -- are at the lower end of the dependency scale, along with Ireland, the Netherlands and Britain.
Britain essentially supplies all its own needs and is likely to become a net importer for the first time this year.
The return of US president-elect Donald Trump to the White House has injected a new wave of anxiety across the Taiwan Strait. For Taiwan, an island whose very survival depends on the delicate and strategic support from the US, Trump’s election victory raises a cascade of questions and fears about what lies ahead. His approach to international relations — grounded in transactional and unpredictable policies — poses unique risks to Taiwan’s stability, economic prosperity and geopolitical standing. Trump’s first term left a complicated legacy in the region. On the one hand, his administration ramped up arms sales to Taiwan and sanctioned
The Taiwanese have proven to be resilient in the face of disasters and they have resisted continuing attempts to subordinate Taiwan to the People’s Republic of China (PRC). Nonetheless, the Taiwanese can and should do more to become even more resilient and to be better prepared for resistance should the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) try to annex Taiwan. President William Lai (賴清德) argues that the Taiwanese should determine their own fate. This position continues the Democratic Progressive Party’s (DPP) tradition of opposing the CCP’s annexation of Taiwan. Lai challenges the CCP’s narrative by stating that Taiwan is not subordinate to the
US president-elect Donald Trump is to return to the White House in January, but his second term would surely be different from the first. His Cabinet would not include former US secretary of state Mike Pompeo and former US national security adviser John Bolton, both outspoken supporters of Taiwan. Trump is expected to implement a transactionalist approach to Taiwan, including measures such as demanding that Taiwan pay a high “protection fee” or requiring that Taiwan’s military spending amount to at least 10 percent of its GDP. However, if the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) invades Taiwan, it is doubtful that Trump would dispatch
World leaders are preparing themselves for a second Donald Trump presidency. Some leaders know more or less where he stands: Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskiy knows that a difficult negotiation process is about to be forced on his country, and the leaders of NATO countries would be well aware of being complacent about US military support with Trump in power. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu would likely be feeling relief as the constraints placed on him by the US President Joe Biden administration would finally be released. However, for President William Lai (賴清德) the calculation is not simple. Trump has surrounded himself